Introduction of Xiong Yan

Mr.Xiong Yan, Law School graduate student of Beijing University in 1989, was the chief member of Students' Dialogue Group during the Democracy Movement in 1989. He was jailed for about two years and went to US in 1992. He was the Chief dierctor of PFDC of the Second Party Representative Conference and member of the Central Committee of PFDC from 1992 to 1995.

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English media report


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Copyright 1989 The Daily Telegraph plc;
The Daily Telegraph
June 15, 1989, Thursday SECTION: INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 12
LENGTH: 479 words
HEADLINE: Police state style
BYLINE: By Our Paris Staff
BODY:
Mme Edwige Avice, France's junior foreign affairs minister, said yesterday the Chinese were using "all the instruments of an implacable police state". International: Sister betrays Chinese student on wanted list CHINESE POLICE have captured two of the 21 leaders of unofficial student unions wanted on charges of inciting "counter revolution", state-controlled television announced yesterday, writes Graham Hutchings in Peking. One appears to have been turned over to the authorities by members of his own family - a development encouraged in the extended propaganda campaign directed at all those wanted for
The Daily Telegraph plc, June 15, 1989 "counter-revolutionary crimes". Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student, was captured in Xian, and Xiong Yan, 25, a law student, was seized on a train in north east China. Announcing the arrests, the television newsreader said: "Just after Tuesday's broadcast of the arrest warrants on television, Zhou's sister and her husband, working in the Xian Air Force Institute, talked it over, then went to tell the authorities all they knew." Five policemen then went to Sanqiao, near Xian, and arrested Zhou. He admitted that he was a student leader. Names, details and photographs of the 21 have been shown repeatedly on television, broadcast on state radio, and published in leading newspapers. They occupied nearly half a page in yesterday's People's Daily. The authorities claim that the 21 on the wanted list are leaders of the Peking University's autonomous Students' Federation. The federation helped organise pro-democracy demonstrations until they were crushed by troops on June 4. The official media continues to report scores of arrests throughout the country as the authorities crack down on leaders of unofficial organisations. Thirty-one people have been arrested in Changsha in south China, 15 in Kunming in the south west, and nine in Lanzhou in the north west, the People's Daily said yesterday. All those arrested had either instigated the strikes, committed thefts or acts of violence, interrupted communications, or harmed social order, the paper said. It also provided a chilling explanation of the unrest in China's cities, using language rarely heard since the disastrous Cultural Revolution of the mid-1960s. "The unrest shows that the class struggle continues to exist to a certain
The Daily Telegraph plc, June 15, 1989
extent in our country, and that a very small minority of reactionaries who hate the Communist party have never abandoned their goals," the paper said. Such people "occupy important positions, and had support from overseas reactionaries". Their social basis was made up of "ex-prisoners who had not been sufficiently reformed, remnants of the Gang of Four, and the very dregs of society". The article said such people were trying to stir up trouble, overthrow Marxism and encourage anarchy. "In the face of their attack, we have to strike back".
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH


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Copyright 1996 The Straits Times Press Limited
The Straits Times (Singapore)

June 4, 1996
SECTION: Comment/Analysis; Pg. 27
LENGTH: 2787 words
HEADLINE: Where Tiananmen's most wanted dissidents are
BYLINE: Jiang An
BODY:
... doctorate in law from Columbia University.
He plans to work in an international investment bank in Los Angeles.
Xiong Yan: He was arrested in 1989, released from prison in 1991, and fled to the US in 1992. He became a Christian and was studying ...
LEVEL 1 - 2 OF 69 STORIES

Copyright 1995 South China Morning Post Ltd.
South China Morning Post
January 15, 1995
SECTION: NEWS; Forum; Pg. 13
LENGTH: 1027 words
HEADLINE: They won't make me go
BYLINE: Dissident WANG DAN vows never to leave China unless he wins guarantees he will be allowed to return, following the recent revelation of a secret blacklist of exiles.
BODY:
... channels, are in the second category: they will be refused re-entry to China. My former colleague in Beijing University, Xiong Yan, is listed in the last category: to be dealt with "according to circumstances of the situation".
LEVEL 1 - 3 OF 69 STORIES

Copyright 1995 South China Morning Post Ltd. South China Morning Post
January 8, 1995
SECTION: CHI; Pg. 6
LENGTH: 2934 words
HEADLINE: Concern grows over secret ban ; Rights chief puts exiles on agenda
BYLINE: By SIMON BECK in Washington and our Political Desk
BODY:
... US for medical treatment in 1992. Returned to China in August 1993 but was deported to Hong Kong.
Xiong Yan, 31. Former student leader. Arrested in Beijing and served two years in jail before leaving China ...
LEVEL 1 - 4 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1995 The British Broadcasting Corporation
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
January 7, 1995, Saturday SECTION: Part 3 Asia - Pacific; CHINA; FE/2195/G
LENGTH: 1046 words
HEADLINE: DISSIDENTS;
Blacklist of 49 democracy activists barred from entering China
BODY:
... Han Lianchao; 5. Cao Changqing; 6. Liu Yongchuan; 7. Liu Binyan; 8. Han Dongfang; 9. Xiong Yan; 10.. Zhao Pinlu; and 11. Cheng Kai. Of these, Han Dongfang, Xiong Yan, anda href="zhaopl.html"> Zhao Pinlu were placed on the wanted list after the 4th June incident. The difference is that, while Han was later arrested and ...
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Copyright 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
September 18, 1993, Saturday SECTION: Part 3 Asia - Pacific; CHINA; INTERNAL AFFAIRS; FE/1797/G;
LENGTH: 343 words
HEADLINE: Defence minister urges army to become anticorruption model
BODY:
'Jiefangjun Bao' in Chinese 6 Sep 93 p 12
Text of report by special correspondents Xiong Yan (3574 3601) and Yang Yi (2799 0001): "While inspecting Wuhan garrison, General Chi Haotian urges army to ...
LEVEL 1 - 6 OF 69 STORIES

Public Papers of the Presidents
May 28, 1993
CITE: 29 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 984
LENGTH: 2741 words
HEADLINE: Report to the Congress on Most-Favored-Nation Trade Status for China
... 133 prisoners on a list presented them earlier in June of that year. Since then, the Chinese have released additional political prisoners, including Xu Wenli, Han Dongfang, Wang Youcai, Luo Haixing, Xiong Yan, Yang Wei, Wang Zhixin, Zhang Weiguo, Wang Dan, Wang Xizhe, Gao Shan, Bao Zunnxin, and a number of Catholic clergy and lesser known activists. We continue to press for a ...
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Copyright 1993 Inter Press Service
Inter Press Service

March 8, 1993, Monday LENGTH: 743 words
HEADLINE: CHINA: SOFTENED STANCE ON RIGHTS, BUT DISSIDENTS STILL IN JAIL
BYLINE: by Rajiv Chandra
DATELINE: BEIJING, Mar. 8
BODY:
The wife of another activist, Xiong Yan, was later freed. Qian has been granted a passport and is waiting to join her husband, in exile in the United States. But ...

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Copyright 1993 The Christian Science Publishing Society The Christian Science Monitor

March 4, 1993, Thursday SECTION: THE WORLD; Pg. 1
LENGTH: 859 words
HEADLINE: Prison Letters Reveal Plight of Chinese Dissidents
BYLINE: Sheila Tefft, Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... Tongxian detention center on the Beijing outskirts for three months but later freed. The wife of 1989 activist Xiong Yan, now in exile in the US, Ms. Qian has been given a passport and is waiting to join her husband.
But Qi, ...
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1993 U.S. Dept. of State
Department of State Dispatch
March 1993 SECTION: Vol. 03 No. 00
LENGTH: 15640 words
HEADLINE: CHINA Human Rights Practices, 1992:
BODY:
... known dissidents like Hou Xiaotian, Yu Haocheng, and Li Honglin have been unable to obtain permission to travel abroad. Activist Xiong Yan was only able to leave the country by traveling without official authorization. Other prominent figures like labor leader ...
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Copyright 1992 The Houston Chronicle Publishing Company The Houston Chronicle

October 31, 1992, Saturday, 2 STAR Edition SECTION: A; World briefs; Pg. 28
LENGTH: 345 words
HEADLINE: World briefs
BYLINE: Houston Chronicle News Services
BODY: ... rights group in Beijing. Shen was released Oct. 24 and deported.
Qian, 26, said she wanted to be reunited with her husband, Xiong Yan, who lives in the Boston area. Xiong was on a list of 21 dissidents sought by Chinese authorities ...
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Copyright 1992 U.P.I. October 30, 1992, Friday, BC cycle SECTION: International
LENGTH: 433 words
HEADLINE: China releases another student activist
BYLINE: BY NICK DRIVER
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... on Oct. 24 and expelled, returning to the United States.
Qian, the wife of another former Tiananmen Square student leader, Xiong Yan, also living in exile in the United States, said the third activist, Qi, remained in custody.
United Press International October 30, 1992, Friday, BC cycle
''Qi Dafang is ...
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Copyright 1992 Central News Agency Central News Agency
October 28, 1992, Wednesday
LENGTH: 280 words
HEADLINE: DISSIDENTS NOT YET RELEASED BY PEKING
DATELINE: Hong Kong, Oct 28
BODY:
... first time a few weeks ago after Shen has been in exile in the United States.
Qian is married to Xiong Yan, a student leader in the 1989 pro-democracy movement.
However, it is understood she was not involved in the student movement ...
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Copyright 1992 South China Morning Post Ltd. South China Morning Post
October 28, 1992
SECTION: News; Pg. 12
LENGTH: 907 words
HEADLINE: No evidence of dissident releases
BYLINE: From GEOFFREY CROTHALL in Beijing and agencies
BODY:
... ago after Mr Shen returned from three years in exile in the United States.
Qian is married to Mr Xiong Yan, a student leader in the 1989 pro-democracy movement.
However, it is understood she was not directly involved in the student ...
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Copyright 1992 News World Communications, Inc. The Washington Times

October 28, 1992, Wednesday, Final Edition SECTION: Part A; WORLD; Pg. A9
LENGTH: 490 words
HEADLINE: Beijing reneges on prisoner release
BYLINE: Liu Qingyan; THE WASHINGTON TIMES
BODY:
... part of a deal freeing dissident leader Shen Tong.
"The Chinese government has acted very indecently in this case," said Xiong Yan, 28, a researcher in Boston.
"They violated even their own law by releasing Shen Tong, the supposed 'principal ...
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Copyright 1992 South China Morning Post Ltd.
South China Morning Post
September 7, 1992
SECTION: News; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 934 words
HEADLINE: Authorities silent on fate of activist
BYLINE: From GEOFFREY CROTHALL in Beijing and FIONA CHAN
BODY:
... few weeks ago after Shen returned from three years in exile in the United States.
Qian is married to Xiong Yan, listed as one of Beijing's most wanted suspects in what it terms the 1989 "counter-revolutionary rebellion". But it is ...
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Copyright 1992 The Times Mirror Company Los Angeles Times
September 3, 1992, Thursday, Home Edition

SECTION: Part A; Page 4; Column 2; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 544 words
HEADLINE: DISSIDENT'S U.S. FRIEND IS EXPELLED BY CHINESE;
IDEOLOGY: THE HARVARD SCHOLAR IS SENT TO HONG KONG. FORMER STUDENT LEADER SHEN TONG IS APPARENTLY STILL IN CUSTODY.
BYLINE: By DAVID HOLLEY, TIMES STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... who was imprisoned for 20 months for his role in the 1989 protests, and Qian is the wife of exiled student leader Xiong Yan, who now is in the United States.
Los Angeles Times, September 3, 1992
Shen's mother, Li Yixian, 51, said that she visited police offices Tuesday ...

Copyright 1992 Orange County Register
THE ORANGE COUNTY REGISTER
September 3, 1992 Thursday EVENING EDITION

SECTION: NEWS; Pg. A21
LENGTH: 467 words
HEADLINE: China accuses pro-democracy activist of engaging in 'illegal activities'
BYLINE: From Register news services
DATELINE: BEIJING, CHINA
BODY:
... expelled.
Arrested with Shen were Qi Dafang, who also was active in the protests, and Qian Liyun, the wife of another student leader, Xiong Yan.
THE ORANGE COUNTY REGISTER September 3, 1992 Thursday
On Wednesday, China expelled Terrill, a China expert based in Boston who had advised Shen.
Reuters and The ...

Copyright 1992 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
September 2, 1992, Wednesday, Late Edition - Final NAME: Shen Tong
SECTION: Section A; Page 8; Column 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 718 words
HEADLINE: China Arrests a Student Leader Back From Exile in the U.S.
BYLINE: By SHERYL WuDUNN, Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: BEIJING, Sept. 1
BODY:
... traveled with Mr. Shen and worked closely with the Democracy for China Fund. Miss Qian, the wife of another student leader, Xiong Yan, was apparently also helping Mr. Shen.
The New York Times, September 2, 1992 The materials confiscated could presumably be used to incriminate other Chinese whom Mr. Shen met during his ...

LEVEL 1 - 19 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1992 South China Morning Post Ltd. South China Morning Post

September 2, 1992
SECTION: News; Pg. 1
LENGTH: 2187 words
HEADLINE: US, France seek Shen Tong's release
BYLINE: From GEOFFREY CROTHALL in Beijing, MICHAEL CHUGANI in Washington and DANIEL KWAN
BODY:
... Chinese citizens identified as Qi Dafang and Qian Liyun.
Qian is the wife of one of China's most wanted dissidents, Mr Xiong Yan, who is now in the US.
Both are said to have been active with Shen in the 1989 student movement, and Qi reportedly spent ... LEVEL 1 - 20 OF 69 STORIES

Copyright 1992 The Times Mirror Company Los Angeles Times
September 1, 1992, Tuesday, Home Edition
SECTION: Part A; Page 4; Column 3; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 676 words
HEADLINE: DISSIDENT DETAINED IN CHINA; ARREST: THE CASE OF SHEN TONG, RECENTLY ARRIVED FROM EXILE IN THE UNITED STATES, COULD BECOME AN ISSUE IN THE TWO COUNTRIES' RELATIONS.
BYLINE: By DAVID HOLLEY, TIMES STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... Qi Dafeng, a student leader and former political prisoner from Tianjin, and Qian Liyun, the wife of exiled student leader Xiong Yan, were detained by police at Shen's home at 1 a.m. today, Terrill told reporters this morning. Two ...
LEVEL 1 - 21 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1992 Central News Agency Central News Agency July 15, 1992, Wednesday LENGTH: 264 words
HEADLINE: Peking launches new crackdown on dissidents
DATELINE: Los Angeles, July 13
BODY:
One leader of the underground Peking organization, Xiong Yan, spent 18 months in prison for his role to help lead the Tiananmen square protests, the report said.
Xiong, ... LEVEL 1 - 22 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1992 The Houston Chronicle Publishing Company
The Houston Chronicle


July 13, 1992, Monday, 2 STAR Edition

SECTION: A; Pg. 12
LENGTH: 277 words
HEADLINE: China arrests more dissidents;
Government cracks down on pro-democracy movement BYLINE: DAVID HOLLEY; Los Angeles Times
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... wave of arrests that followed the 1989 crackdown on China's pro-democracy movement.
One leader of the underground Beijing organization, Xiong Yan, spent 18 months in prison for his role helping to lead the
The Houston Chronicle, July 13, 1992
Tiananmen Square protests. Xiong, 28, fled ...
Copyright 1992 The Times Mirror Company
Los Angeles Times
July 13, 1992, Monday, Home Edition
SECTION: Part A; Page 4; Column 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 484 words
HEADLINE: 30 CHINESE DISSIDENTS REPORTEDLY ARRESTED
BYLINE: By DAVID HOLLEY, TIMES STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... wave of arrests that followed the 1989 crackdown on China's pro-democracy movement.
One leader of the underground Beijing organization, Xiong Yan, spent 18 months in prison for his role helping to lead the Tian An Men Square protests. Xiong, ...
Los Angeles Times, July 13, 1992
SUBJECT: XIONG YAN; DISSIDENTS -- CHINA; POLITICAL PRISONERS -- CHINA

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Copyright 1992 U.P.I.

July 13, 1992, Monday, BC cycle SECTION: International
LENGTH: 609 words
HEADLINE: Chinese secret police roll up underground group
BYLINE: BY NICK DRIVER
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... come from sources in Beijing familiar with the group and from a former student leader in the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, Xiong Yan, who helped found the new group but fled the country in June.
The sources said Sunday the underground group ...
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Copyright 1992 U.P.I.

July 12, 1992, Sunday, BC cycle
SECTION: International
LENGTH: 611 words
HEADLINE: Chinese secret police roll up underground group
BYLINE: BY NICK DRIVER
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
... come from sources in Beijing familiar with the group and from a former student leader in the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, Xiong Yan, who helped found the new group but fled the country in June.
The sources said the underground group consists of ...

United Press International July 12, 1992, Sunday, BC cycle
protests, Xiong Yan, who helped found the new group but fled the country in June.
The sources said the underground group consists of liberal students and intellectuals, including some who participated in the 1989 democracy movement. Its actual membership is unknown.
The group has held meetings and published forward-looking essays to promote political and economic reform. It is among a number of loosely organized, highly secretive dissident cells that still function in China.
The secret police sweep began in late May, with more than 30 people known to have been arrested, the sources said. A few have been released but there are unconfirmed reports many others have also been detained.
The dragnet has hit at least five major universities in Beijing, including Beijing University, People's University and the Beijing Language Institute.
In a telephone interview from Los Angeles, where he is now living, Xiong said he helped found the group early this year to pressure the communist government for political reform.
United Press International July 12, 1992, Sunday, BC cycle
A former Beijing University law student, Xiong, 28, was on a list of 21 ''most wanted'' student leaders following the 1989 suppression of the democracy protests. He spent 18 months in prison.
He left Beijing in early May and dropped out of sight in June, making his way secretly to the United States, where he is awaiting political asylum. He declined to discuss his escape, but other sources said he fled after getting wind of imminent arrests.
''The Communist Party is very intelligent and sneaky,'' Xiong said. ''They won't admit that they have captured anyone, because there is no law to back them up.''
Among those arrested were former student activists Chen Wei and Wang Guoqi, each in custody for the fourth time since 1989.
Liao Jia-an and Wang Shengli, two People's University graduate students affiliated with the publishing of ''Trends of History,'' a book of reformist essays published but blocked by authorities, were arrested last month.
The two also edited a now-banned campus magazine called ''Dajia,'' or ''Everyone,'' which published adventurous liberal political commentary. Both
United Press International July 12, 1992, Sunday, BC cycle
publications were technically legal.
Others reported in custody are Hu Shenglun, a lecturer at Beijing Language Institute, Kang Yuchun, a doctor, and Wang Peizhong, a Beijing University graduate student.
Xiong said state security officials knew of his close relations with some of those arrested, but denied any had been picked up because he fled. He expressed concern about his wife, who remains in Beijing.
''I hope that with the help of friends, she can come over here one day,'' said Xiong. ''In Los Angeles, my body is free, but my mind and my heart are not.''
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
GEOGRAPHIC: CHINA;
Copyright 1992 The Times Mirror Company
Los Angeles Times
June 29, 1992, Monday, Home Edition NAME: XIONG YAN
SECTION: Metro; Part B; Page 1; Column 2; Metro Desk
LENGTH: 792 words
HEADLINE: CHINESE DISSIDENT HOLDS FAST TO IDEALS; PROTEST: DESPITE BEATINGS AND IMPRISONMENT, STUDENT LEADER SEEKING ASYLUM IN U.S. REMAINS COMMITTED TO CHINA'S PRO-DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT.
BYLINE: By PENELOPE McMILLAN, TIMES STAFF WRITER
BODY:
Xiong Yan and his friends, once daring, brash and full of hope, thought they could change China and led thousands of students into Beijing's Tian An Men Square. Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1992
Now, three years after the government's bloody crackdown on the pro-democracy student movement he helped lead and 18 months in prison, Xiong has not changed.
"I got more committed," he said.
But his life has changed. The intense and idealistic former Beijing University law student is living in Alhambra, days after seeking political asylum in the United States.
Xiong, 28, was one of a group of student leaders who for a few heady weeks led a brazen call for freedom of speech, assembly and more openness on the part of the Chinese government, when they occupied the symbolic heart of Beijing, Tian An Men Square.
To the outside world, Xiong was best known for an impassioned statement to Premier Li Peng, who at that time agreed to a dialogue with the students, which was televised. "Regardless of whether the government recognizes the student movement, Chinese history will," Xiong told the premier.
It was Li who issued the order for martial law that resulted in the massacre of hundreds, perhaps thousands of citizens as the army shot its way into Beijing a month later, on June 4, 1989.
Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1992
Xiong was among 21 students whose names appeared on a wanted list shortly after the June 4 crackdown and he was the first to be arrested.
Speaking through an interpreter Saturday, the short, thin and bespectacled Xiong said his experiences -- including being captured and beaten by soldiers, an 18-month incarceration without a trial, illness caused by prison conditions and now an uncertain future -- have not weakened his ideals.
He even sees a positive lesson from the Los Angeles unrest because they have led to debates over social problems. "As long as people can express themselves, it's not like people in China," Xiong said. "Even though there's injustice there, they cannot express it at all."
Recounting the events leading up to the crackdown, Xiong said he had not been involved in any pro-democracy movement before he went to pursue graduate studies in Beijing in late 1986. He grew up in Hunan, where his mother is a doctor and his father is an auto mechanic. He was a Communist Party member.
Political controls had loosened in that period, Xiong said, allowing more open dialogue, and his feelings began to change. He and other students felt they could not ignore social problems stemming from economic development.
Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1992
"There was corruption, government officials getting involved in business deals, inflation and unequal distribution of wealth," Xiong said.
The days in the square began May 13, 1989, with a hunger strike, which Xiong organized. He recalled living in a bus that had been turned into a student "command post" at the square, and venturing out to make speeches, asking workers for support.
When the crackdown occurred, Xiong was in the streets. "I saw a parade of soldiers on trucks and tanks, shooting," he said. He helped carry a stranger who had been shot in the chest to a hospital and saw that the facility was soon overwhelmed by the wounded.
Dismayed, Xiong grabbed a phone to call a government ministry, a television station and the Communist Party offices, believing they were not aware that people were being killed. The government operator "took a message," the television station advised him to report the story himself and "send it in," and the party official hung up on him.
That night, citizens who recognized him in the street hid Xiong from authorities. Two days later, he fled Beijing by train, heading for northwest China. Nine days later, he was arrested.
Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1992
Soldiers beat him and took him to a prison where he remained until January, 1991. Confined alone or with up to six cellmates at various times, he got little to eat and was allowed only half an hour outside each week, he said. He was beaten twice, he said, once for "no reason," and once for tapping on a cell wall. Mostly, he said, he read books sent by his family, including works by German philosophers and the American economist Paul A. Samuelson.
After his release, Xiong rejoined his wife, who works as a typist, in Beijing. Ill from prison conditions, he could barely walk for months. The government refused to issue him an identity card, which made it impossible to legally live anywhere, get a job or buy food. A virtual outcast in his homeland, he left last May with the help of friends.
Xiong said he wants to continue his studies but is unsure how he will support himself. "I miss my wife," he said, and does not know when he will see her again.
His goal for now, he said, is "to be a bridge between the overseas democratic forces and the movement in China."
GRAPHIC: Photo, Xiong Yan, who was beaten and imprisoned after the Tian An Men Square crackdown, lives in Alhambra. ROSEMARY KAUL / Los Angeles Times Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1992

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1992 The British Broadcasting Corporation BBC Summary of World Broadcasts

June 23, 1992, Tuesday
SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; OTHER REPORTS; FE/1414/B2/ 1;
LENGTH: 283 words
HEADLINE: Dissident student leaves China by ''underground railway''
SOURCE: 'Ming Pao' Hong Kong in Chinese 16 Jun 92
Text
BODY:
Xiong Yan [3574 8746] , one of the student leaders of the 1989 pro-democracy movement, escaped from China recently and has been granted political asylum in a western country.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 23, 1992
Xiong Yan was one of the 21 student leaders wanted by the Beijing public security department following the 4th June incident. He was arrested by public security officers when he fled to Inner Mongolia on 14th June 1989. After a year and a half in detention, he was exempted from prosecution and released in late January last year.
Reports said that after his release in Beijing, Xiong Yan went back to his hometown in Ningxia and after wandering for more than a year, he was able to escape from the country though some ''underground railway''. He will probably continue his studies in North America.
Xiong Yan, 28, was a graduate student in law at Beijing University and hails from Hunan Province. On 13th June 1989, he tried to escape arrest by boarding a train heading for Inner Mongolia's Baotou from Yinchuan City of Ningxia Province. But the Ningxia public security bureau had already notified its counterpart in Inner Mongolia. When Xiong Yan's train arrived at Fengzhen station in Inner Mongolia, seven public security personnel boarded the train to arrest him and then escorted him to Beijing. On 26th January last year, Beijing authorities announced that Xiong Yan was to be exempted from prosecution and released. From the time of his arrest to the time of his release, Xiong Yan was under detention for one and a half years.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 23, 1992
It has been more than three years since the ''4th June Incident'' broke out in 1989. Among the 21 students leaders on the wanted list, eight have already fled China.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

LEVEL 1 - 28 OF 69 STORIES
1992 U.S. Dept. of State
Department of State Dispatch
JUNE 8, 1992
LENGTH: 2765 words
HEADLINE: US Extends Most-Favored-Nation Status to China White House Statement, Letter to Congress, Report to Congress
BODY:
White House Statement
Statement by White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater, Washington, DC, June 2, 1992.
The President informed the Congress today that he plans to extend China's most-favored-nation (MFN) status for another year. In making this important decision, the President stressed that it is wrong to isolate China if we hope to influence China.
U.S. Department of State, JUNE 8, 1992
Section 402 of the Trade Act of 1974 explicitly links eligibility for MFN to the important human rights issue of free emigration. Continuation of the current Jackson-Vanik waiver (and, thus, MFN trade status) will substantially promote freedom of emigration from China, as it has since 1979. China continues to permit the departure of citizens who qualify for a US immigrant visa.
Although we have seen positive, if limited, developments in our human rights dialogue, the President has made clear to the Chinese that their respect for internationally recognized human rights is insufficient. We are deeply disappointed in China's limited actions with regard to internationally recognized human rights and cannot describe our relations as fully normal until the Chinese Government effectively addresses these concerns. We want to elicit a faster pace and a broader scope for human rights improvements in China. Withdrawal of MFN would achieve neither of these objectives.
Short of fully normal relations, maintaining a constructive policy of engagement with China has served US interests. In our bilateral relationship, we have used the tools available to achieve the foreign policy goals shared by the Administration and the Congress. This has been true of our targeted use of 301 and Special 301 trade investigations and our vigorous enforcement of the law against prison labor imports and textile fraud. Our non-proliferation dialogue also has been successful: China has acknowledged international
U.S. Department of State, JUNE 8, 1992
non-proliferation standards by acceding to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and declaring adherence to Missile Technology Control Regime guidelines. We are monitoring these commitments closely.
We have generated positive results without withdrawing MFN from China. Withdrawal of MFN would inflict severe costs on American business people, investors, and consumers. It would mean lost jobs and failed businesses in the United States and a multi-billion dollar surcharge on American consumers' imports. Our direct engagement with the Chinese is, on the whole, a successful policy. We intend to maintain it in order vigorously to protect American interests while we promote positive change in China.
Letter to Congress
Letter from President Bush released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, June 2, 1992.
To the Congress of the United States:
I hereby transmit a document referred to in section 402 (d) (1) of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended, 19 U.S.C. 2432 (d) (1) ("the Act"), with respect to the continuation of a waiver of application of subsections (a) and (b) of section
U.S. Department of State, JUNE 8, 1992
402 of the Act to the People's Republic of China. The document includes my reasons for determining that continuation of the waiver currently in effect for the People's Republic of China will substantially promote the objectives of section 402, and my determination to that effect.
Documents concerning the extension of the authority to waive subsections (a) and (b) of section 402 of the Act, including a determination with respect to other countries and the reasons therefore, are transmitted separately.
George Bush
Report to Congress
Released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, June 2, 1992.
Pursuant to subsection 402(d) (1) of the Trade Act of 1974 (hereinafter "the Act"), having determined that further extension of the waiver authority
U.S. Department of State, JUNE 8, 1992
granted by subsection 402(c) of the Act for twelve months will substantially promote the objectives of section 402, I have today determined that continuation of the waiver currently applicable to China will also substantially promote the objectives of section 402 of the Act. My determination is attached and is incorporated herein.
Freedom of Emigration Determination. China's relatively free emigration policies have continued during the past twelve months. In FY 1991, 18,051 U.S. immigrant visas were issued in China, a 7.8 percent increase over the previous year. The U.S. numerical limitation for immigrants from China was fully met. Early figures indicate that the Immigration Act of 1990 will lead to an additional 15-20 percent increase in immigrant visas issued in China this fiscal year. The principal restraint on increased emigration continues to be the capacity and willingness of other nations to absorb Chinese immigrants, not Chinese policy. I have concluded that continuing the MFN waiver will preserve the gains already achieved on freedom of emigration and encourage further progress.
Chinese Foreign Travel Policies. China continues to adhere to a relatively open foreign travel policy. According to Chinese officials, issuance of passports for private travel increased more than threefold between 1986 and 1990. US diplomatic posts in China issued 77,615 nonimmigrant visas in FY
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1991, a 28 percent increase from the previous year. In FY 1991, 39,465 visas were issued worldwide to students and tourists from China, a 17 percent increase over FY 1990 and a 114 percent increase over FY 1988.
Chinese officials report that several thousand students returned from overseas for visits after June 1989 and have been allowed to depart again under expedited procedures. We cannot verify these figures, but we are not aware of any case in which Chinese living in the U.S. who returned to China for visits after June 1989 were prevented from leaving again.
Foreign travel by Chinese-government sponsored businessmen rebounded sharply in FY 1991, reflecting an easing of economic austerity measures imposed in 1988. The number of officially-sponsored students declined slightly because of PRC authorities' concern about extended delays in the students' return to China. In February 1990, China issued a new directive requiring most recent college graduates and fourth-year undergraduates educated at state expense to work for five years before applying for privately-funded overseas study. The directive most likely has forced some students to defer their plans for overseas study, but student visa applications and issuances have increased at all China posts except Beijing. In Beijing, issuances declined slightly from the previous year's record level, but remained above 1989, the year before the directive was promulgated.
U.S. Department of State, JUNE 8, 1992
Human Rights Issues. Our serious and continuing concerns about Chinese abuses of human rights are detailed in the State Department's annual human rights report. That report makes clear that China's human rights practices remain repressive, falling far short of internationally-accepted norms; freedoms of speech, assembly, association, and religion are sharply restricted.
We have raised and continue to raise these serious concerns with China. The President and Secretary Baker told the Chinese that concern for human rights is a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy. The President has stressed to Premier Li Peng that China's record on human rights remains in need of significant improvement. More than half of Secretary Baker's discussions during his visit to Beijing in November 1991 were devoted to human rights. We press our concerns about abuses in the area of political and religious freedom at every opportunity.
China has responded to our inquiries with information on prisoners of human rights concern. We do not consider these responses wholly satisfactory and have requested additional information, but the Chinese responses contain useful information about the status of many political and religious dissidents. We have stressed the need for further responsiveness on Beijing's part. The Chinese also recently provided additional details on the whereabouts of prominent dissidents from the Tiananmen demonstrations and the 1979 Democracy
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Wall movement.
In May, Under Secretary Kanter told senior Chinese officials that progress in human rights is essential if we are to improve bilateral relations. The Chinese reiterated to Under Secretary Kanter their earlier pledge to Secretary Baker that China would provide exit permits to all those who had no criminal charges pending. Those who have left China or received exit permission over the past year include the spouses of prominent dissidents at Princeton University, journalist Dai Qing, intellectual Li Zehou, labor leader Han Dongfang, and Democracy Wall activist Liu Qing. Others continue to face difficulties in obtaining exit permission. We are pressing Beijing to allow their departure.
We share with Congress the goal of release of all those held solely for the peaceful expression of their political and religious views. We continue to share data on the human rights situation with both the Congress and concerned non-governmental organizations. In November 1991, the Chinese confirmed to Secretary Baker the release of 133 prisoners on our June 1991 list. Since then, the Chinese have announced the release of additional political prisoners, including, Han Dongfang, Wang Youcai, Luo Haixing, Xiong Yan, Yang Wei, Bao Zunxin, Wang Zhixin, and Zhang Weiguo and a number of Catholic clergy and activists. We are seeking a general amnesty and permission for the international humanitarian organizations to have access to Chinese prisons.
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Short of these goals, we have urged amelioration of the conditions of those in Chinese prisons. As a result, treatment and medical care for Wang Juntao and Chen Ziming has improved.
China has acknowledged the West's unyielding principle that domestic human rights policies are a legitimate topic of international discussion. China hosted human rights delegations from France, Australia, and Japan, and sent several delegations to the U.S. and Europe to study Western human rights practices. Beijing issued a "white paper" maintaining that basic human rights are observed in China and arguing that a country's human rights record should be viewed in light of its own history and culture. We have publicly rejected this contention, but are pleased to engage China in discussion of appropriate human rights standards throughout the country, including in Tibet where beatings and detentions of Buddhist monks and nuns by the security forces were reported. We have voiced our hopes for the release of those incarcerated in Tibet for nonviolent expression of political views, both bilaterally and at the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva. China has admitted US and other foreign observers to Tibet and to the main Lhasa prison.
Non-Proliferation Issues. China's support for global nonproliferation initiatives increased significantly in the last year. China acceded to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and adhered to Missile Technology Control
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Regime (MTCR) guidelines and parameters. We are monitoring closely to ensure that China follows through with full implementation of these important commitments. Beijing endorsed the imposition of safeguards on the Ain Oussera nuclear reactor it sold to Algeria, and has explicitly pledged not to export M-9 and M-11 missiles (which are captured by MTCR [Missile Technology Control Regime] guidelines). China is also participating in the Middle East Arms Control negotiations and discussions in Geneva aimed at establishing a Chemical Weapons Convention.
Impact of MFN on Other US Interests--Bilateral Trade. The granting of MFN tariff status provided a framework for major expansion of our economic and commercial relations with China. Continuation of non-discriminatory tariff status is fundamental if we are to maintain trade relations with China. In 1991, bilateral trade topped $25 billion, with Chinese exports of $19 billion and U.S. exports of $6.3 billion. China was our fastest growing export market in Asia in 1991 as U.S. exports to China rose by 30 percent, after a 16 percent decline in 1990. In turn, the United States remains China's largest export market, absorbing about a quarter of its total exports.
If MFN were withdrawn, we anticipate that China would reciprocate by applying its own higher non-MFN tariffs to U.S. products and erecting other trade barriers. U.S. companies, disadvantaged by higher tariff rates, would
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lose business to their competitors from Japan and Europe, who would quickly move to replace U.S. exports of aircraft and aerospace equipment, grain, industrial machinery, steel products, chemicals, fertilizers and computers. Americans employed by these industries would lose their jobs. U.S. joint ventures would pay higher duties on imported components from the United States, and their exports to the U.S. would be subject to non-MFN tariffs, jeopardizing continued operations. Without MFN, United States consumers would pay higher prices for Chinese-made products, including appliances, toys, apparel and footwear. Withdrawal of MFN would also undercut our current market access 301 investigation as well as implementation of the hard-won agreement on protection of intellectual property rights produced by our Special 301 investigation.
We have advanced our bilateral agenda without resorting to the blunt instrument of MFN withdrawal. The Administration's vigorous use of available policy tools included criminal indictments for Chinese textile transshipments and quota charges in excess of $100 million. As proof of the Administration's intent to deal severely with charges that China is exporting goods produced by prison labor, we have obtained one criminal conviction and a score of detention orders have blocked entry into the United States of suspected prison products. Although we have made significant progress toward our objective of resolving favorably issues relating to Taiwan's accession to the GATT, China's intransigence has prevented conclusion of ongoing negotiations. We remain
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firmly committed to Taiwan's accession.
Economic Reform in the PRC. Maintaining MFN is essential to promote reform in China. No one has found a way to import our goods without importing our ideas. The opening of China and expansion of bilateral commercial relations made possible by MFN has contributed significantly to improved living standards, the introduction of progressive economic thinking, and further integration of China into the world community. Withdrawing MFN would most hurt the dynamic coastal provinces in China which are the heartland of market-oriented economic reform. It would further isolate those in China who look to the United States for support in their effort to liberalize Chinese society.
MFN withdrawal would also have a substantial negative effect on Hong Kong's free enterprise economy, where more than 900 U.S. firms have invested roughly $7 billion. Hong Kong's economy depends heavily on U.S.-China trade and the health of export industries in South China. The economic disruption caused by MFN withdrawal would undermine confidence in Hong Kong's future in the critical period leading up to its reversion to PRC sovereignty in 1997.
Regional and Multilateral Cooperation. As a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, China's cooperation on multilateral efforts concerning Iraq and Libya was indispensable. The Chinese support efforts to find a
comprehensive political solution in Cambodia, facilitated entry of North and South Korea into the United Nations, and oppose North Korea's effort to develop nuclear weapons.
In summary, maintaining non-discriminatory trade status gives China an incentive to stay engaged on issues of vital concern to the United States. Without MFN--and conditioning its renewal is simply withdrawal with a time delay--we cannot pursue effectively our interests with respect to these critical areas of concern. Moreover, if MFN were withdrawn, the brunt of the economic costs would be borne not by policymakers in Beijing, but by American businessmen, American consumers, and the people of Hong Kong and progressive areas of China. China's opening to the outside world has accelerated growth in the non-state sector of the PRC economy and has deepened China's links to the global economy. For this process to continue, China's most-favored-nation status in the United States is essential.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: January 7, 1993
LEVEL 1 - 29 OF 69 STORIES
1992 U.S. Dept. of State 1991 Human Rights Report February, 1992 SECTION: 1991 Human Rights Report
LENGTH: 14115 words
HEADLINE: CHINA
BODY:
The People's Republic of China (PRC) is a one-party state adhering to Marxist-Leninist principles, in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), backed by the military and security forces, monopolizes decisionmaking authority. A closed inner circle of a few senior leaders holds the right of ultimate power. Some of these party elders hold positions within the Politburo, the Central Military Commission, and other organs. Others hold no formal positions of authority but still wield decisive influence by virtue of their seniority in the Communist movement.
The party maintains control through its widespread apparatus and traditional societal pressure as well as through a nationwide security network which includes the People's Liberation Army; the Ministry of State Security; the Ministry of Public Security; the People's Armed Police; and the state judicial, procuratorial, and penal systems. The security forces have been responsible for human rights abuses including torture and arbitrary arrest and detention.
More than a decade of impressive economic growth and the spread of market forces have resulted in a reduction of the center's span of economic control. Although China's per capita income--estimated at roughly $300--is one of the world's lowest, wide disparities exist, with the living standards of some coastal residents approaching those found in more developed countries. China's leaders, with their overwhelming emphasis on stability, continued to be concerned about excessive growth rates and inflationary pressures but also continued to be willing to move toward greater reliance on markets to determine prices and allocation of resources.
China's human rights practices remained repressive, falling far short of internationally accepted norms. After some loosening of repression during the first half of 1991, heightened alarm following the failed Soviet coup attempt in August resulted in another effort by Beijing to strengthen central control, reinforce ideological propaganda, and repress dissent, coupled with efforts to bolster political stability by intensifying economic reform. Serious human rights abuses persisted. The early 1991 trials of several dozen persons detained in the 1989 crackdown were characterized by hasty verdicts, the defendants' inadequate access to legal counsel, and the Government's refusal to allow independent observers to attend the trials. Several were sentenced to lengthy terms merely for expressing views critical of the ruling regime. Despite statements that these proceedings were "basically completed," the Government acknowledged in mid-1991 that 21 democracy movement cases had still not been brought to trial. Some of these persons were being tried as the year ended, but no verdicts had been announced.
Other serious human rights abuses continued, including persistent abuses in Tibet, documented cases of torture and mistreatment of those accused of crimes, and the repression of Catholics and Protestants who refused to affiliate with officially sponsored religious organizations and were charged with conducting "illegal" religious services, proselytizing, or maintaining illegal liaison with foreign groups. Although Chinese media emphasized implementation of a new law allowing citizens to sue officials for abuse of authority or malfeasance, enforcement remained problematic and there was little progress on political and legal reforms offering real protection for individual rights. Severe restrictions on freedom of assembly, expression, and the press were maintained. Independent reports generated international concern about Chinese prison labor practices.
On the more positive side, the Government released some detainees and in late 1990 began a limited dialog on human rights with its foreign critics which led to a number of serious exchanges with government and parliamentary delegations. The Chinese were exposed to a greater range of views on human rights practices, and modest progress was made in resolving a small number of human rights cases. Beijing issued a comprehensive white paper in November which laid out in considerable detail its self-congratulatory views on Chinese human rights. Beijing nevertheless continued to reject the applicability under "special Chinese conditions" of many widely accepted international human rights concepts, arguing that economic development should be the main measure of China's human rights progress.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
There were no documented instances of extrajudicial killings in the PRC in 1991.
b. Disappearance
There were no reported cases of disappearance in 1991. There has not yet been an overall public accounting by the Government of the fate of those detained during and after the suppression of the 1989 demonstrations (See Section 1.d.).
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
Despite legal safeguards, the use of torture and degrading treatment of persons detained and imprisoned has persisted. There were credible reports in 1991 of police having illegally detained and tortured suspects, particularly those held outside formal detention centers in "shelter and investigation centers." The Government has not yet made public its 1991 statistics regarding investigation of such abuses, but in April the Chief Procurator indicated that in 1990, 472 cases of confession by torture were filed for investigation and prosecution. These figures cannot be confirmed. Punishment of abusers has rarely been reported, although severe punishments have been imposed in at least a few cases.
The August hunger strikes of Wang Juntao and Chen Ziming focussed international attention on the poor prison conditions and medical care endured by many prisoners. After the international community expressed strong concern about these cases, government officials confirmed that Wang and Chen had been held in solitary confinement in cells originally designed to punish prisoners who had violated prison regulations, and admitted that both prisoners had health problems. Wang was eventually hospitalized and Chen removed from solitary confinement, but the Government refused to allow impartial observers to visit the prisoners. Released prisoners and detainees, however, have reported abuses. Democracy activist brothers Li Lin and Li Zhi (see Section 2.d.) told of having been tortured during their imprisonment in Hunan province. Other former prisoners and detainees have indicated that ordinary workers and unemployed youths suffer even worse treatment than well-known prisoners like Wang, Chen, and the Li brothers, with more frequent instances of torture and degrading treatment. Workers are also more likely to be sentenced to prison, reeducation through labor, or execution than are students and intellectuals. According to one credible report, six political prisoners in Liaoning Province, including student leaders Liu Gang and Zhang Ming, attempted to launch hunger strikes during Secretary Baker's November visit to China to protest the harsh prison conditions they faced. According to the report, Liu's arm was broken by prison officials trying to force-feed him. This report could not be independently confirmed.
Conditions in all types of Chinese penal institutions are harsh and frequently degrading. The emphasis on obtaining confessions leads to widespread abuses, particularly in detention centers. Former detainees have reported the use of cattle prods, electrodes, prolonged periods of solitary confinement and incommunicado detention, beatings, shackles, and other forms of abuse against detained women and men. Both before and after trial, prisoners are subject to severe pressure to confess their "errors." Despite official media and other reports that indicate that coerced confessions have led to erroneous convictions, the fact that a confession was coerced does not in itself prevent or invalidate a conviction. According to judicial officials, however, confessions without corroborating evidence are an insufficient basis for conviction.
There have been frequent credible reports from Tibetan refugees of torture and mistreatment in penal institutions in Tibet. In February officials confirmed that Lhakpa Tsering, a young Tibetan who had been imprisoned in Lhasa (Drapchi) prison, had died on December 15, 1990. The Government denied reports that his death resulted from torture, asserting that he died from a ruptured appendix. Chinese officials have not, however, responded to outside requests that they release autopsy findings. Tibetan authorities have reportedly returned Sonam Wangdu to Drapchi prison in spite of his continued, serious health problems. His family has been denied permission to visit and assist him. Sonam is serving a life sentence for his involvement in a 1988 riot which led to the death of a policeman.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
China's Criminal Procedure Law proscribes arbitrary arrest or detention and limits the amount of time a person can be held in custody without being charged. According to the law, interrogation should take place within 24 hours of detention, and the detainee's family and work unit should be informed of the circumstances of the detention within 48 hours. Articles 43 and 50 of the Criminal Procedure Law, however, permit the police to delay notifying the family and work unit "in circumstances where notification would hinder the investigation."
A formal arrest under the Criminal Procedure Law of a suspect detained by the Public Security Bureau should be approved by the procuratorate within 10 days of the original detention. Public security authorities, however, often detain people for long periods of time under various informal mechanisms not covered by the criminal procedure law. These include regulations, some unpublished, on "taking in for shelter and investigation" and "supervised residence" as well as other methods not requiring procuratorial approval. These administrative forms of detention were purportedly abolished by a 1980 State Council document, but are still used. In April the Government indicated that 3,509 cases of unlawful detention were filed for investigation and prosecution in 1990. These figures cannot be confirmed. The Government has not indicated if or how those responsible for such cases have been punished.
A well-documented estimate of the total number of arbitrary arrests and detentions in 1991 is not possible. There are credible estimates, however, that hundreds of thousands of people, such as vagrants, the unemployed, and migrants, have been arbitrarily detained. In addition, dozens of persons involved in small demonstrations throughout the year have been detained. For example, according to credible reports, authorities in Beijing in late December detained several persons overnight after they tried to organize a peaceful memorial ceremony commemorating the death of 1989 democracy activist Wen Jie. In March the Government provided new information on detentions in Tibet in 1989, confirming that 400 people were detained by Tibetan public security and judicial organs between March and November of that year. More than 300 were later released and about 60 were brought to trial, according to these figures, which cannot be independently confirmed.
Several hundred persons detained for activities related to the 1989 demonstrations were held in "detention during investigation" or "administrative detention" status. These persons were not formally arrested or charged with any crime, although authorities began in late 1990 and 1991 to press charges against at least some of these detainees. Chinese authorities have begun to respond to international inquiries about those detained since June 1989, although the responses have not yet provided complete information. During the November visit of U.S. Secretary of State Baker, the Chinese provided a response by individual name to a list of political prisoners that the United States had earlier given them and agreed to continue a dialog on human rights with the United States.
Repeated requests for information on Zhu Mei (or Sha Zhumei), reported to have been arrested in 1987 and sentenced to 5 years' imprisonment on "counterrevolutionary" charges for religious activities, have been met by denials from Shanghai municipal authorities that such a person is imprisoned in that city. Officials have also declined to provide information on many Tibetans detained since 1989 or on many members of unofficial Catholic and Protestant churches who have been detained for months before being charged or released, according to credible reports.
"Crimes of counterrevolution" are dealt with under articles 90-104 of the Criminal Law. Counterrevolutionary offenses, which range from treason and espionage to spreading counterrevolutionary propaganda, are defined by the Government in light of its four basic principles: upholding Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong thought, the people's democratic dictatorship, the Socialist system, and the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.
These principles are interpreted by the Government as circumscribing the various rights provided for in the Constitution. As a result, despite constitutional guarantees of free expression, people who have tried to exercise this right have in some cases been charged with counterrevolution under Articles 90-104 of the Criminal Law. These articles have also been used to punish persons who organized demonstrations, disrupted traffic, disclosed official information to foreigners, or formed associations outside state control. Those detained for committing "crimes of counterrevolution" are in theory treated the same as those detained for other crimes, and their cases are supposed to be handled in accordance with the criminal procedure law. In practice, the law's provisions limiting length of detention and requiring family notification are often ignored in "counterrevolutionary" cases.
Sentences imposed by criminal courts may be served in prisons or in reform through labor camps. Many labor reform camps are in remote areas such as Xinjiang or Qinghai. Some former inmates have been denied permission to return to their homes. (See Section 6.c.)
The Government provided in 1991 a more complete accounting of the number of persons detained in Beijing in connection with the 1989 democracy movement. According to these figures, 1,804 were originally detained, of whom 970 have been released, 715 convicted on nonpolitical charges, and 72 convicted on political charges through the end of 1990. At year's end some 21 cases remained in pretrial detention. These figures seem generally credible but cannot be independently verified. They apparently exclude those detained in other parts of China, those held only briefly for questioning in 1989, and at least 1,000 participants in the 1989 demonstrations assigned without trial to reeducation through labor camps. Additional statistics released by the Justice Ministry in July indicated that at least 37 people detained for taking part in the 1989 democracy movement had been tried, served their sentences, and released. This figure cannot be confirmed.
The 1990 report mentioned Bao Tong, Gao Shan, Li Minqi, Liu Gang, Peng Rong, Wang Zhixin, Xiong Yan, Yang Wei, Zhai Weimin, and Zhang Weiguo as among the prominent political detainees not formally arrested or charged by the end of 1990. In 1991 Xiong Yan, Yang Wei, Wang Zhixin, and Zhang Weiguo were released. (Section 2.a. discusses Zhang's subsequent detention.) Liu Gang was sentenced to 6 years in prison. Li Minqi, as well as journalist Wu Xuecan, was brought to trial in December, but at year's end the outcome of these trials was not known. The cases of Peng Rong and Zhai Weimin were described by the Government in November as "under investigation." The status of Bao Tong and Gao Shan remained unclear. Labor activist Han Dongfang was given medical parole from prison. Following Secretary Baker's visit in November, charges against him were dropped. Hong Kong resident Luo Haixing, imprisoned in March for attempting to aid fleeing democracy movement activists, was given medical parole and allowed to return to Hong Kong.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
Officials insist that China's judiciary is independent but acknowledge that it is subject to the policy guidance of the CCP. In addition, there are credible reports that party and government leaders predetermine verdicts and sentences in some sensitive cases.
According to the Constitution, the court system is equal in authority to the State Council and the Central Military Commission, the two most important government institutions. All three organs are nominally under the supervision of the National People's Congress. The Supreme People's Court stands at the apex of the court system, followed in descending order by the Higher People's Court (province), the Intermediate People's Court (prefecture), and the Basic People's Court (county). Separate and special military, maritime, and railway courts function directly under the Supreme People's Court. The judiciary, however, falls under the policy control of the party's Political and Legal Commission, headed by Politburo Standing Committee member Qiao Shi.
During the 1980's the Government moved haltingly toward the establishment of a more autonomous and less arbitrary legal system. There were efforts to clarify which offenses are criminally indictable by defining more precisely or even eliminating broad, general laws, including the legal provisions for "crimes of counterrevolution." Programs were set up to provide professional training for judges through overseas training courses to acquaint them with foreign legal procedures. As a result of the 1989 crackdown, however, the tightening of political and ideological controls seriously undermined these reforms, closed off debate on the relative merits of "rule by man" and "rule by law," and set back China's modest efforts to build a modern and more autonomous judicial system. Official directives to the courts to produce quick judgments during the anticrime campaign begun in 1990 further undermined the integrity of the court system. A Justice Ministry official acknowledged in September to a European Parliament delegation that trials in China were conducted too rapidly. He blamed a shortage of lawyers, of which there are an estimated 40,000 to 50,000 in China. An Australian human rights delegation that visited Shanghai in July found that of the 16,000 criminal cases filed in that city in 1990 fewer than half of the accused had a defense lawyer and only 30 were acquitted. Defense lawyers, like other Chinese, generally depend on their work units for employment, housing, and many other aspects of their lives. As a result, they are often reluctant to be seen as overzealous in defending individuals accused of political offenses.
Due process rights are stipulated under the Constitution but often ignored in practice. The Criminal Procedure Law requires that all trials be held "in public," except those involving state secrets, juveniles, and "personal secrets," but details of cases involving "counterrevolutionary" charges have frequently been kept secret, even from relatives of the defendants, under this provision. Even when trials are nominally open, in many cases the only "public" allowed to attend are officially selected "representatives of the people" and immediate relatives of the accused. Numerous requests by independent foreign observers to attend 1991 trials of democracy activists were all turned aside. The Government asserted that foreign observers were not permitted to attend trials unless the alleged crime directly involved a foreigner or a Chinese related to a foreigner.
The law states that a defendant may be held in custody for a maximum of 2 months during investigation, although a 1-month extension may be requested from the next higher procuratorate. The procuratorate then has up to 1-1/2 months to decide whether or not to prosecute the case. An additional month is permitted if "supplementary investigation" is needed. Any delay beyond 5-1/2 months theoretically requires approval of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, but amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law in 1984 allowed for further extensions of these periods without higher level approval, including possible indefinite extensions while a suspect is under "mental" examination. In politically sensitive cases, the period of pretrial detention has often been much longer than 5-1/2 months; many of the democracy activists tried in early 1991 had been detained over 18 months, and some, who still await trial, have been detained for 30 months. The procuratorate sends to trial those persons it determines are guilty on the basis of the police investigations, supplemented if necessary by its own inquiries. The pretrial process, during which the question of guilt or innocence is essentially decided, does not give the defense adequate time and opportunity to prepare its case. Defense lawyers may be retained only 7 days before the trial. In some cases even this period has been shortened under regulations issued in 1983 to accelerate the adjudication of certain serious criminal cases.
Persons appearing before the court are not presumed innocent; trials are generally, in effect, sentencing hearings. Conviction rates average over 99 percent. Defense lawyers may be retained privately, but most are appointed by the court. They virtually never contest their clients' guilt; rather, their function is generally confined to requesting clemency. There is an appeal process, but initial decisions are rarely overturned. Defendants are expected to "show the right attitude" by confessing their crimes, and those who fail to confess are typically sentenced more harshly.
Three sets of trials involving the 1989 democracy movement took place in early 1991. The first set of trials, which began on January 5, resulted in the sentencing of seven dissidents from 2 to 4 years' imprisonment and the release of two dissidents. The second set of trials, which began on January 26, decided 71 cases. Among those sentenced to prison were student leaders Wang Youcai (sentenced to 4 years but since released), Wang Dan (4 years), and Guo Haifeng (4 years), activist Ren Wanding (7 years), and intellectual Bao Zunxin (5 years). Intellectual Liu Xiaobo and 65 others were released. The third set of trials began on February 12 and involved four cases. Law professor Chen Xiaoping was released. Student leader Liu Gang was sentenced to 6 years. Intellectuals Chen Ziming and Wang Juntao were given 13 years each for allegedly masterminding the demonstrations. In April the President of the Supreme People's Court announced that the trials of cases related to the June 1989 demonstrations had been "basically completed." In November, however, the Government released the names of 21 persons involved in the 1989 demonstrations who remained in pretrial detention. At year's end, another series of trials began, though no verdicts have been announced.
The Government characterized the trials as public and fair, resulting in lenient sentences. It has steadfastly defended its right to try and sentence any who transgress Chinese law, rejecting the contention that "counterrevolutionary crime" is an inappropriate, vaguely defined article which allows punishment for peaceful dissent. Moreover, the speed of the verdicts, the limited opportunity afforded defendants to prepare a defense, and the inability of independent observers to attend the trials raise serious concerns as to justice, fairness, and due process.
In addition, a number of political prisoners jailed in previous cycles of repression, notably 1979 Democracy Wall activist Wei Jingsheng, remain in prison. Press reports claimed that Wei's health had deteriorated during prolonged solitary confinement, but authorities asserted Wei was in good health and received family visits. A July press report quoted Vice Minister of Justice Jin Jian as having said that Wei remained in solitary confinement but had been transferred from Qinghai province to Hebei province. These reports on Wei's status cannot be independently confirmed.
In the northeast, five workers from Changchun (Jilin) received sentences ranging from 2 to 20 years in prison for their participation in June 1989 demonstrations. All were convicted under Articles 98 and/or 102 of the Chinese Criminal Code. The verdict was reached in a lower court in November 1990, but the result of a superior court review was not released until April 1991. In Tibet authorities continued to impose harsh sentences for political activities. Hotel bookkeeper Tseten Norgye was sentenced in February to about 4 years (exact sentence unknown) in prison for counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement and distributing leaflets on Tibetan independence, according to credible reports. Officials in Tibet said in July that since 1987 there had been 50 convictions for counterrevolutionary activity in Tibet and that all of those convicted were still in prison.
In 1990 China, citing a sharp increase in the crime rate (though one still low by Western standards), launched an anticrime campaign that continued into 1991. The CCP leadership ordered public security, procuratorate, and court officials to speed the process of investigation, trial, and sentencing, raising serious due process concerns. Chinese officials refuse to provide comprehensive statistics on death sentences or executions, but according to figures compiled from press reports, from January to July 1991 at least 449 people were executed, with an additional 176 sentenced to death. The actual numbers may be much higher. One Western source with access to Chinese criminologists estimated the total number of executions in China in 1991 might have been as high as 5,000 or 6,000. This report could not be independently confirmed. All death sentences are reviewed by a higher court, but such reviews are often very rapid, with some completed within a few days after initial sentencing.
Under a set of regulations governing reeducation through labor originally issued in 1957 and revised in 1979, government authorities can assign persons accused of minor public order offenses (e.g., disturbing the peace, fabricating rumors, hindering government officials from performing their official duties) to reeducation through labor camps without judicial review. This allows security authorities to deal with political and other offenders without need for recourse to even the nominal procedures and protections offered by the formal criminal process. Reeducation through labor sanctions were used to circumvent the formal criminal process in the cases of some 1979 Democracy Wall activists and appear to have been used in the same way to deal with some persons involved in the spring 1989 demonstrations.
In 1990 Chinese officials stated that 869,934 Chinese citizens had been assigned to these camps since 1980, with about 80,000 assigned each year and 160,000 undergoing reeducation through labor at that time. Justice Ministry officials reiterated the 160,000 figure in July 1991. It is not possible to verify these official statistics; other estimates of the number of inmates are considerably higher. Terms of assignment run from a normal minimum of 1 year to a maximum of 3, although the labor reeducation committee may subsequently extend an inmate's sentence for a maximum of 1 year if his "reform attitude" is not good.
The number of persons in Chinese penal institutions who would be considered political prisoners by international standards is impossible to estimate accurately. While Government officials deny that the PRC has any "political" prisoners, they have stated that there are just over 1.1 million inmates in Chinese prisons and reform camps, and that 0.5 percent of these were convicted of "counterrevolutionary crimes," for a total of roughly 5,500 "counterrevolutionary" convicts. This figure includes a substantial number convicted of crimes such as "espionage" that are internationally recognized criminal offenses; the secrecy surrounding espionage cases prevents foreign observers from determining the validity of such charges. On the other hand, the figure excludes the remaining 1989 detainees, at least 1,000 in labor reeducation camps, and an undetermined number sentenced nominally for various criminal offenses including religious activities (such as receiving funds from abroad without authorization or changing such funds on the black market). Estimates by some foreign researchers of the number of political prisoners are much higher but cannot be confirmed.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence.
Personal and family life in China is extensively monitored and regulated by the authorities. Most persons depend on their work unit for employment, housing, ration coupons, permission to marry or have a child, and other aspects of ordinary life. The work unit, along with the neighborhood watch committee, monitors activities and attitudes. Since the 1989 demonstrations, Chinese authorities have strengthened the surveillance functions of neighborhood watch committees, requiring them to work more closely with the police. Search warrants are required by law before security forces may search premises, but this provision is often ignored. Daily life is monitored in a variety of ways. Some telephone conversations are recorded, and mail is frequently opened and censored, in spite of the provision in the 1982 Constitution that "freedom and privacy of correspondence of citizens...are protected by law." One purpose of this Government surveillance is to regulate and limit contact between PRC citizens and foreigners, who are generally required to live in segregated and monitored compounds or dormitories.
The compounds in which foreign diplomats, journalists, and business people live are under close physical surveillance, have conspicuously placed television cameras in elevators, and are presumed to be universally electronically monitored. Chinese wishing to visit foreigners are deterred by this pervasive system of monitoring. Since the 1989 crackdown, the Government has intensified its efforts to restrict contact between Chinese citizens and foreigners.
China's population has roughly doubled in the past 40 years, seriously complicating the country's economic development. In the early 1980's the Government set a goal of limiting the population to 1.2 billion by the year 2000. To meet this target, it adopted a comprehensive and highly intrusive family policy for Han Chinese in urban areas. Numerous exceptions are allowed for Han in rural areas. Ethnic minorities are either exempted or subject to less stringent population controls. In September 1991, Foreign Minister Qian Qichen said the population of China had reached 1.15 billion; the State Family Planning Commission indicated in October that China's revised target for the year 2000 is now 1.294 billion. Individual and family decisions about bearing children are regulated by the State, with economic rewards for those who cooperate with it, and sanctions against those who deviate from official guidelines. The Government sets an annual nationwide goal for the number of authorized births, apportioned down to the local level and, ultimately, to each work unit. Fujian province, for example, has implemented the national family planning policy through a system of contracts setting population growth targets which extend from the provincial Governor through provincial leaders and work units to individual workers. Work units exercise pressure to control births, and fines may be imposed to penalize those who violate the terms of the contract. Birth statistics reflected the widespread ineffectiveness of these measures in limiting couples to only one child. In 1990, 21 percent of all births were at least a family's third child, 32 percent were second children, and 47 percent of births in Fujian were first children. In urban areas, couples are encouraged to delay marriage until well after the legal minimum age of 22 for men and 20 for women, and to defer childbirth until at least their mid-20's. For most urban couples, obtaining permission to have a second child is very difficult, although the policy is sometimes evaded.
China's population control policy relies on education, propaganda, and economic incentives, as well as more coercive measures including psychological pressure and severe economic penalties. Rewards for couples who adhere to the policy include monthly stipends and preferential medical, food, and educational benefits. Disciplinary measures against those who violate the policy include stiff fines, withholding of social services, demotion, and other administrative punishments. Local family planning officials are also subject to penalties for "excess births" in their units. In Shanghai, in addition to 145 publicized cases of couples being fined for having an unauthorized child, there were 3 publicized cases in 1991 in which the offenders (2 women and a couple) were not only fined but also fired from their jobs.
Chinese family planning officials have become increasingly concerned about the ability of itinerant workers, whose numbers are estimated to range from 70-100 million persons, to circumvent family planning regulations. More than 50 percent of these persons are in their prime child-bearing years. Accordingly, in November the State Council passed new regulations aimed at bringing this population more directly into family planning programs.
Although the Government officially opposes physical compulsion to submit to abortion or sterilization, the practice has continued to occur as officials strive to meet population targets. Chinese officials acknowledge privately that there are still instances of forced abortions and sterilizations in remote, rural areas, although the number of such cases is well below levels of the early 1980's. While recognizing that abuses occur, officials maintain that China does not condone forced abortion or sterilization and that abuses by local officials are punished. They admit, however, that punishment is rare and have yet to provide documentation of any punishments. In part, they explain, there is a bureaucratic disinclination to punish those doing the difficult, socially unpopular, but economically necessary task of enforcing national population policy.
According to officials in East China, local family planning workers are penalized not only for "excess births," but also for "excess abortions." Family planning workers receive negative performance evaluations for "excessively high" abortion rates. Officials have not publicly defined the term "excessively high."
Enforcement of the family planning policy is inconsistent, varying widely from place to place and year to year. The 1990 census data indicate that the average number of children per family (2.3) and the population growth rate (1.5 percent) remain significantly higher than would be produced by comprehensive national enforcement of official policy. In many areas, couples apparently are able to have several children without incurring any penalty, while in other areas enforcement has been more stringent. Local officials have great discretion in how, and how strictly, the policy is implemented. Because penalties for "excess births" can be levied against local officials and the mothers' work units, many people are personally affected, providing an additional potential source of pressure.
Female infanticide has persisted in some impoverished rural areas. Insistence that local units meet population goals has contributed to the persistence of this traditional practice, generally by parents who hope to have more sons without incurring official punishment. The Government strongly opposes infanticide and has prosecuted offenders; it has been able to reduce but not eradicate the practice. In order to discourage the abortion of female fetuses, the Government has issued regulations prohibiting medical personnel from using ultrasound equipment to determine the sex of a fetus or from disclosing the sex of a fetus as determined by testing conducted for medical reasons, according to information Chinese officials provided in July to an Australian human rights delegation. In recent years, regulations with eugenics provisions have been implemented in at least five provinces, beginning with Gansu. These regulations seek to prevent people with severe mental handicaps from having children and include provisions for mandatory sterilization before permission to marry is granted and compulsory abortion in the event of pregnancy. National family planning officials reportedly have discouraged the enactment and enforcement of such eugenics laws, though the central Government has not overridden these provincial laws.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
Freedom of speech and self-expression are severely restricted. Limited tolerance of some criticism of government policies and officials had generally increased through the 1980's, but after June 1989 this trend was abruptly reversed. The party has reasserted complete control over the press; the media's role of transmitting the views of the people to the leadership has been limited and carefully regulated. Citizens are not permitted to criticize senior leaders or to express opinions contrary to the "four cardinal principles," which provide for a Socialist state under the Communist Party's exclusive control. Persons who violate these guidelines are punished.
Television and radio broadcasting has remained under strict party and government control and been used to propagate an orthodox ideological line. Programming has been heavily laced with party propaganda. As part of its control of citizens' access to information, the Government has continued to jam many Chinese language broadcasts of the Voice of America (VOA) and British Broadcasting Corporation. The leadership has attacked VOA, claiming it is part of a Western conspiracy to subvert China. Despite the effort to jam VOA, the effectiveness of the jamming varies considerably by region, with audible signals reaching most parts of China. Cable News Network satellite transmissions to international hotels were banned in Beijing during the 1991 anniversary of the Tiananmen repression. Many foreign journalists have reported episodes of surveillance and harassment.
The party has ordered the domestic press to support the party line and not question the "four cardinal principles." A Communist Party Central Committee document called for renewed prepublication censorship of all major state-run media, according to credible reports. A number of Chinese journalists have been detained and the ranks and leadership of many newspapers and journals purged. Tightened distribution has enabled authorities to control foreign language material more effectively. The September 23 issue of Newsweek, which contained investigative reports on prison labor, was not distributed to the few newsstands (mostly located in international hotels) that sell foreign magazines and newspapers.
The Government has attempted to curb publications advocating "bourgeois liberalization" (Western social, political, and cultural ideas). Numerous publications have been closed, heavy-handed ideological controls reimposed, and ideologically suspect journalists replaced. The Government has banned publications by authors considered politically unacceptable such as Liu Binyan, Su Xiaokang, Su Shaozhi, Bao Tong, Liu Xiaobo, Yan Jiaqi, and Fang Lizhi and his wife Li Shuxian.
The party has continued to impose tight controls on colleges, universities, and research institutes. The entering freshmen classes at Beijing University and Shanghai's Fudan University were again sent to military camps for a year of training and ideological indoctrination. Numerous textbooks and scholarly works have been either censored or prohibited by the State Education Commission. At all levels, the quantity of political study has increased.
The heavy ideological control of academic institutions and the censorship of the media have forced many Chinese journalists and scholars to exercise great caution. Some researchers engaged in work regarded as sensitive were prohibited from accepting graduate students. Many scholars, including some of China's most prominent, have declined opportunities to publish or present papers on subjects that could be construed as sensitive. More vigorous public debate on some subjects, such as economic policy, has been tolerated.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Freedom of peaceful assembly and association is severely restricted in practice. The Constitution has provisions for the right "of assembly, of association, of procession, and of demonstration," but such activities may not infringe "upon the interests of the state." A "law governing assemblies, parades, and demonstrations" was implemented in 1990. Like the Constitution, it provides for the right to assemble and demonstrate but stipulates that parades and demonstrations may not "infringe on the interests of the state, society, and collectives or the legitimate freedoms and rights of other citizens." This provision would proscribe any protests against Communist Party rule, socialism, or the leadership and can be used to ban protests that disrupt traffic, interfere with business, occupy public places, or that could be interpreted as "infringing" on the freedoms of other citizens.
Procedures for obtaining a parade permit discourage and effectively prevent the exercise of the right of assembly insofar as that right might challenge the perceived interests of the State. The Government said that some demonstrations had been authorized, claiming that 13 applications for demonstrations in 1990 were approved in Sichuan Province alone. Officials provided no additional details on these demonstrations, which attracted minimal press attention. At any rate, such demonstrations must by law have been perceived by the State as consistent with its interests. The law does not apply to "traditional cultural, recreational, or sports activities" and "normal religious activities," but local authorities retain the power to determine what are legitimate "traditional" or "normal" religious activities.
Professional and other mass associations are for the most part organized and controlled by the Communist Party. Regulations issued in 1990 require all organizations to be officially registered and approved. Ostensibly aimed at secret societies and criminal gangs, the regulations also prevent the formation of unauthorized political, religious, or labor organizations, such as the student and worker groups that emerged briefly before and during the 1989 democracy movement. They have also been used to disband groups, such as unregistered "house churches" (religious congregations which gather in private residences), deemed potentially subversive. Security forces maintain a close watch on groups formed outside the party establishment, particularly unauthorized religious groups. Associations recognized by the State are permitted to maintain relations with recognized international bodies, but these contacts are carefully monitored and limited.
The Government monitors and discourages contacts between dissidents and foreigners. In Shanghai, after dissidents Wang Ruowang and Zhang Weiguo were released from detention, they were subsequently accused of unauthorized contact with foreigners (particularly the foreign media), detained, and questioned several times for brief periods. During a visit in November by U.S. Secretary of State James Baker, two prominent dissidents, Dai Qing and Hou Xiaotian, were detained to prevent any contact with the Secretary's party. Dai Qing was forcibly removed from a hotel, sent out of Beijing, and held until after the Secretary's visit was over. Hou Xiaotian was briefly detained near Beijing. No charges were filed against either Dai or Hou, and Chinese authorities denied that they had been arrested. Dai was later allowed to leave the country.
c. Freedom of Religion
Religious freedom in China is subject to restrictions of varying severity. While the Constitution affirms toleration of religious beliefs, the Government places restrictions on religious practice outside officially recognized and government-controlled religious organizations. Religious proselytizing is restricted to officially registered and sanctioned places of worship, although some discreet proselytizing and distributing of religious texts seems to be tolerated. The management and control of religion is the responsibility of religious affairs bureaus across China, staffed primarily by party members. Buddhists are by far the largest body of religious believers in China. The Government estimates that there are 100 million Chinese Buddhists, most of whom belong to the dominant Han ethnic group. Other Buddhists belong to Tibetan, Mongolian, and other ethnic groups. Han Buddhist leaders generally cooperate with the Government and have experienced few reported difficulties. In Tibet, however, where Buddhism and Tibetan nationalism are closely intertwined, relations between Buddhists and secular authorities have been tense. Daoism, widely practiced in southern coastal provinces, is officially respected as an important part of traditional Chinese culture, but some of its practices conflicting with Government strictures against superstition and waste of arable land have been sharply criticized.
China permits Moslem citizens to make the hajj to Mecca, but limited state financing effectively constrains the number of hajjis. Nongovernment sources indicated that about 1,500 Chinese made the hajj in 1991, roughly the same number as in 1990. Officially sanctioned religious organizations are permitted to maintain international contacts as long as these do not entail foreign control, but proselytizing by foreign groups is forbidden. The Three-Self Patriotic Movement, the official Protestant church, and its Buddhist and Moslem counterparts have established extensive networks of international support. While the Catholic Patriotic Association has no official ties to the Roman Catholic Church, its leaders frequently visit Catholic and other religious leaders abroad. The Association ordains its own bishops and priests, generally follows pre-Vatican II practices, and rejects papal authority. Sources in Rome publicly indicated, however, that 20 to 30 of the more than 60 Catholic Patriotic Association bishops had been recognized by the Vatican.
The Government, after forcefully suppressing all religious observances during the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, began in the late 1970's to restore or replace confiscated churches, temples, mosques, and monasteries. The official religious organizations administer more than a dozen Catholic and Protestant seminaries, nine institutes to train imams and Islamic scholars, and institutes to train Buddhist monks. Students who attend these institutes must demonstrate "political reliability," and all graduates must pass an examination of theological and political knowledge to qualify for the clergy. The Government supervises the publication of religious material for distribution to ensure religious and political conformity.
Only those Christian churches affiliated with either the Catholic Patriotic Association or the Three-Self Patriotic Movement may operate openly, but active unofficial religious movements pose an alternative to the state-regulated churches and temples. The unofficial Catholic Church claims a membership far larger than the 3.6 million registered with the official church, though actual figures are unknown. It has its own bishops and priests and conducts its own services. A large number of Protestants worship privately in "house churches" that are independent of government control. There is a dynamic house church movement in many cities and, like their unofficial Catholic counterparts, house churches often attract more followers than the official Three-Self Patriotic Movement churches.
The Government generally tolerates the existence of unofficial Catholic and Protestant churches as long as they remain small and discreet. In some parts of south and east China, official and underground churches seem to coexist and even cooperate. In other parts of the country, however, authorities have sporadically continued efforts to rein in activities of the unapproved Catholic and Protestant movements, raiding and closing a number of unregistered churches. The Government suspects many leaders of unofficial churches of harboring criminal or dissident intentions and has imprisoned scores of them in recent years. There have been numerous credible reports in recent years of raids on house churches and detentions of members, particularly in southern and coastal provinces and in Inner Mongolia, Hebei, and Henan provinces. While China remains a nominally secular society, the active expression of religious belief has continued to grow.
Growth in expression of belief has been accompanied by continued Government pressure on believers. In February the Communist Party reportedly issued a secret document reflecting heightened official suspicion of religious activities and urging greater vigilance by the party in controlling such activity. Shanghai Catholic Bishop Fan Zhongliang was arrested in mid-June in Zhejiang Province, where he had reportedly attempted to contact underground Chinese Catholic leaders. He was returned to Shanghai where he remained in detention until mid-August, when he was released pending further investigation. According to Catholic sources, many other bishops, priests and lay people remained in detention or reeducation. Bishop Joseph Fan Xueyan, with the exception of a period from 1979 through 1981, has been imprisoned or under house arrest since 1958. The Government said in November that Bishop Fan had been released. According to credible reports at least 23 Catholics were detained in Hebei in December 1990, including Bishops Simon An Shi'en, Peter Chen Jianzhang, Cosmas Shi Enxiang and Song Weili. One bishop from the group, Paul Shi Chunjie, reportedly died in November. Another, John Han Dingxian, was described by the Government in November as "under investigation." A third bishop from the group, Paul Liu Shuhe, was reportedly sent for reeducation through labor. Bishop Casimir Wang Milu continued to serve a 10-year reform through labor sentence. Cangzhou Bishop Paul Li Zhenrong and several other people reportedly were arrested on December 11 in Tianjin.
Protestants faced the same sort of pressure. Members of the Guangzhou house church of Pastor Samuel Lamb (Lin Xiangao) continued to be harassed by local authorities, but the church remained open. According to Protestant sources, many Protestants remained in detention or reeducation for their religious activities. These included Reverend Sun Ludian, Reverend Song Yude, and Reverend Xu Guoxing. Many Tibetan Buddhists and Xinjiang Moslems have continued to oppose Chinese rule, and Chinese authorities have taken a harsh attitude toward both. The Government tightly controls and monitors Tibetan Buddhism and does not tolerate religious manifestations that advocate Tibetan independence. It has recognized the Dalai Lama as a major religious figure but condemns his political activities and his leadership of a "government in exile." A 1990 law sharply limits religious freedom for Tibetan Buddhists. It provides for government regulation of many religious activities, from burning incense to holding ceremonies.
The practice of religion in Tibet is also hampered by the limits the Government imposes on religious education and by the small size of the religious community compared to traditional norms. Access to religious sites, however, does not appear to be a major problem, and large amounts of money are being devoted to reconstruction of the main sacred sites including the Potala Palace in Lhasa. In areas with large Moslem populations, particularly Xinjiang, Qinghai, and Ningxia, there continues to be concern regarding the sharp restrictions on the building of mosques and the religious education of youths under age 18 mandated by the 1988 religion law. Following the 1990 unrest in Xinjiang, the authorities issued additional regulations further restricting religious activities and teaching.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
The Government uses an identification card system to control and restrict residence patterns within the country. Citizens are required to carry their cards at all times when out of doors (many apparently ignore this rule) and to present them to authorities on demand. Individuals are registered as residents of a particular jurisdiction and assigned to a specific work unit. Change of residence or workplace is very difficult and, in most cases, is possible only with government permission and agreement by the work unit. The Government has placed travel restrictions on several released detainees and religious figures.
Authorities try to limit unauthorized migration to urban areas, but they estimate there are at least a million unregistered persons each in Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Beijing. Authoritative Chinese estimates of the itinerant population for the entire country range from 70 to 100 million. Official tolerance of this itinerant population has varied with the economic need for a supplemental work force in the big cities.
Foreign travel is controlled, although Chinese citizens have, and many exercise, the right to emigrate upon the Government's review of their circumstances. Tiananmen hunger striker Gao Xin was released and allowed to leave China for the United States in March. Former University of Arizona student Yang Wei, several other dissidents, and the families of some dissidents residing in the United States were also allowed to leave China in 1991. Secretary of State Baker was assured in November in Beijing that any person against whom no criminal proceedings were pending would be allowed to leave China after completing the usual formalities. At year's end, intellectuals Dai Qing and Li Zehou had received their passports; Dai left China for the United States in mid-December, and Li was planning to leave in early January. Other dissidents and religious figures, however, were still encountering problems in acquiring PRC travel documentation.
The State Education Commission has stated on a number of occasions that a proper political attitude is a major criterion in selecting people to go abroad for government-sponsored study. The State Education Commission has also made efforts to restrict administratively the number of privately sponsored students going abroad. Regulations implemented in 1990 require those college and university graduates who received free postsecondary education to repay the cost of their education to the state by working for 5 years or more before being eligible for passports to go abroad to study. For those who have overseas Chinese relatives or have not yet graduated, the regulations provide a sliding scale of tuition reimbursement exempting them from the work requirement. Students who must pay the full amount are reportedly charged about $500 for each year of study. Implementation of these regulations has varied from place to place, and many students still managed to obtain passports. Persons subject to the regulations on study abroad appear to have had little trouble obtaining passports to visit Chinese relatives overseas.
The Government has relaxed some restrictions on internal travel by foreigners. Tibet and Xinjiang have allowed tourists and some diplomats to visit, although with significant restrictions. Senior officials have stated that students and scholars returning from overseas have not been and will not be punished for participation in prodemocracy activities while abroad. It is not clear whether this guarantee applies to leaders of student dissident organizations. Officials have indicated that if such persons wanted to return to China they would have to express "repentance," disassociate themselves from "reactionary" organizations, and refrain from "subversive" activities once they returned.
The Government indicated in September that since 1989 between 6,000 and 7,000 students had returned to China from the United States on holiday. Another several thousand had returned to work. None had been punished or refused permission to go abroad again. None of the approximately 150 students interviewed by the U.S. American Consulate General in Shanghai reported experiencing any difficulties with the Chinese Government when they returned on holiday from the United States to China in 1991.
Although no instance of government harassment has been reported with regard to returning students, nonstudent democracy activist brothers Li Lin and Li Zhi were arrested, tortured, and held for 5 months when they returned in February to their native Hunan province. They had fled to Hong Kong after participating in the June 1989 democracy movement but returned to China after the central Government announced that it was safe for dissidents who had broken their ties to counter- revolutionary organizations to come home. Upon return, they were arrested by local authorities, but following appeals by former President Jimmy Carter and Hong Kong-based American businessman John Kamm, a compromise between central and local authorities was apparently struck whereby they were convicted merely of illegally crossing the Chinese border, then released and allowed to return to Hong Kong.
The Li brothers' case is the only known instance of activists having been arrested after returning to China from abroad. There have, however, been reports since 1989 of harassment of Chinese students overseas, although the number of such reports dropped off in 1991. Chinese officials indicated in September that they intended to "be helpful" with regard to overseas students' passport problems. Privately funded students could have their passports extended as long as they had an academic reason to remain overseas. Publicly funded students could change their passport status to private by making a financial settlement with the work unit that had financed their studies. It is too early to assess the implementation of this policy.
The Government accepts repatriation of citizens who have departed China without authorization, in most cases apparently without punishing them. For example, some 3,000 Fujianese "boat people" who left China without authorization and entered Japan illegally were repatriated in 1990 and 1991. Although China accepted more than 280,000 refugees, mostly ethnic Han Chinese, from Vietnam and Laos between 1978 and 1982, in recent years it has adopted a stricter policy of no new admissions. China has cooperated with Hong Kong to reduce the flow of Vietnamese refugees into the colony. Although China has signed the Comprehensive Plan of Action negotiated at the International Conference on Indochinese Refugees held in Geneva in June 1989, it is unclear whether China considers itself a participating state. Credible reports suggest the PRC has repatriated persons of other nationalities seeking refugee status.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government
Citizens cannot peacefully and legally change their government. Chinese citizens can neither freely choose nor change the laws and officials that govern them. China is ruled by the Communist Party, the paramount source of political authority, on Marxist-Leninist principles. Within the party, a closed inner circle of a few senior leaders exercises ultimate power over the nation. Some hold key positions within the six-member Standing Committee of the Politburo, the Central Military Commission, or other organs. Others are nominally retired but continue to exercise great political influence despite holding no formal positions in party or government. Although at age 87 he is less actively engaged in day-to-day issues, Deng Xiaoping remains first among equals in this latter group. These senior party leaders broadly determine policy, which is then implemented by the Government.
According to the 1982 Constitution, the National People's Congress (NPC) is the highest organ of state power. It nominally selects the President and Vice President, decides on the choice of the Premier, and elects the Chairman of the Central Military Commission. During the 1980's, the NPC had begun to exercise increasing independence and influence. Debates had become much more open, and several important Government proposals were sent back for revisions. After 1989, however, the NPC reverted to its more traditional role of docilely ratifying decisions already made by the senior leadership. There is no longer any real debate in the NPC public sessions, though debate in closed-door committee sessions on certain issues is still reportedly fairly vigorous.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no organizations within China which monitor or comment on human rights conditions. The Government has made it clear that it will not tolerate the existence of such groups. In Shanghai, Fu Shenqi, Gu Bin, and Yang Zhou were detained in the spring for "violating Chinese law" and held by public security authorities pending investigation of their alleged involvement in the establishment of a human rights society and newsletter.
Despite the Chinese Government's adherence to the United Nations Charter, which mandates respect for and promotion of human rights, Chinese officials do not accept the principle that human rights are universal. The State Council Information Office's unprecedented November "white paper" on human rights argued that each nation has its own concept of human rights, grounded in its political, economic, and social system and its historical, religious, and cultural background. Foreign Minister Qian Qichen said in his September address to the U.N. General Assembly that the human rights forums of the United Nations had been used by certain countries to wage "cold war." Although officials no longer dismiss all discussion of human rights as interference in the country's internal affairs, they remain reluctant to accept criticism of China's human rights situation by other nations or international organizations. They reject reports by Amnesty International, Asia Watch, and other international human rights monitoring groups on torture and other human rights violations. The Chinese Foreign Ministry publicly criticized the Department of State's 1990 report on human rights practices in China, charging that the report had "cited false rumors to distort and attack China" and was therefore "entirely unacceptable." Chinese officials have stepped up their criticism of human rights problems in other countries while arguing, paradoxically, that foreigners had no right to criticize human rights abuses in China.
In 1991 Chinese officials initiated efforts to promote academic study and discussion of Chinese concepts of human rights. Articles in the official press argued that "Marxist human rights" emphasizing collective economic entitlements were superior to "capitalist human rights" stressing individual civil and political liberties. The Law Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) held a symposium in June on theories of human rights. A CASS delegation visited North America in September and October to study international concepts of human rights. In November the Government published, and publicized widely, a report on human rights in China which acknowledged the need for improvements, but otherwise presented a one-sided and highly complimentary view of individual rights in China, attempting to establish a dichotomy between economic development and personal and political liberties. The publication of the report and other human rights activities appear to have originated in a desire to improve China's image abroad and strengthen the Government's ability to respond to criticism of its human rights record. Whatever the motivation, this process of study and dialog has exposed more Chinese to alternate concepts of human rights.
Chinese authorities continued to broaden their dialog with the United States and other governments on certain human rights issues, including judicial and penal systems, amnesties, accounting for prisoners, emigration policy, and family planning. Beijing also received several U.S. Congressional delegations with a particular concern for Chinese human rights problems. An Australian human rights delegation visited China in July. A European Parliament delegation with an emphasis on human rights made a September visit. Both the Australian and European delegations visited Tibet. Other prominent visitors, including a high-level U.S. delegation led by the Secretary of State, also focused on human rights issues with Chinese leaders. All of these delegations found restrictions imposed by the Government which severely limited their contacts and travel.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Language, or Social Status
While laws exist to protect minorities and women, in practice discrimination based on ethnicity, sex, and religion persists in housing, jobs, education,
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and other aspects of life.
The economic progress of minorities is viewed by the Government as one of its significant achievements. Minorities benefit from a policy of "privileged treatment" in marriage, family planning, university admission, and employment, as well as disproportionate infrastructure investment in some minority areas. In practice, however, discrimination based on ethnic origin persists. The concept of a largely homogeneous Chinese people pervades the general thinking of the Han ethnic majority. The 55 designated ethnic minorities constitute just over 8 percent of the PRC's population. Most minority groups reside in areas they have traditionally inhabited, with standards of living often well below the national average. Government economic development policies have had some success in raising living standards but have at the same time disrupted traditional patterns of living.
The Communist Party's avowed policy of increasing minority representation in the Government and the CCP has resulted in members of minority groups accounting for 15 percent of the deputies in the NPC. Among the 19 chairmen and vice chairmen of the NPC Standing Committee, 6, or 32 percent, are of minority nationality. Such statistics, however, obscure the reality that ethnic minorities are effectively shut out of all but a few positions of real political and decisionmaking power. Some minorities resent Han officials holding key
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positions in minority autonomous regions. Ethnic minorities in Tibet, Xinjiang, and elsewhere have demonstrated against Han Chinese authority, and the underlying causes of unrest continue to fester. While martial law in Lhasa, Tibet's capital, was lifted in 1990, foreign visitors to Tibet in 1991 observed that there was still a pervasive armed police and military presence there. Reports reaching the West in 1991 suggested the existence of smoldering ethnic tension in Inner Mongolia. Central authorities have made it clear that they will not tolerate opposition to Beijing's rule in minority regions.
The Government has tried in some instances to adopt policies responsive to minority sensitivities, but in doing so has encountered the dilemma of how to respect minority cultures without damaging minority interests. In Tibet and Xinjiang, for example, there are two-track school systems using standard Chinese and minority languages. Students can choose which system to attend. One side effect of this policy to protect and maintain minority cultures has been a reinforcement of a highly segregated society. Under this separate education system, those graduating from minority schools are at a disadvantage in competing for jobs in government and business, which require good spoken Chinese. These graduates must take remedial language instruction before attending universities and colleges.
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The 1982 Constitution states that "women in the People's Republic of China enjoy equal rights with men in all spheres of life," and promises, among other things, equal pay for equal work. In fact, women experience many inequalities. Most women employed in industry work in lower skilled and lower paid jobs, women hold relatively few positions of significant influence within the party or government structure, and there was no notable improvement in women's rights or working conditions in 1991. Women have often been the unintended victims of reforms designed to streamline enterprises and give workers greater job mobility. Many employers prefer to hire men to avoid the expense of maternity leave and child care. Reports by women of discrimination, unfair dismissal, demotion, or wage cuts when they needed maternity leave have continued.
The gap in the education levels of men and women has narrowed; women now make up over one-third of both high school and university students. Men continue, however, to constitute the majority of the educated, particularly the highly educated, and a disproportionate number of government-funded scholarships for overseas study go to men.
The Government strongly condemns and is working hard to curb traditional abhorrent practices against women such as the abduction and selling of women for wives or prostitution, abuse of female children, violence against women, and female infanticide. In September the NPC's Standing Committee, in an effort
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to curb such practices, adopted laws on protection of minors, curbing of prostitution, and punishment of abductors of women and children. Many discriminatory practices are rooted in traditional rural attitudes and values. Rural parents tend to view girls as liabilities because they are less productive income earners and leave home without providing assistance for their parents' retirement; boys are more highly valued as prospective income earners and as future caretakers for elderly parents. A number of provinces have sought to reduce the perceived higher economic value of boys in providing old age support by establishing more retirement homes and improving the quality of those homes already in existence.
Finally, there is discrimination in China on the basis of religion. Communist Party officials state that party membership and religious belief are incompatible. This places a serious limitation on religious believers, since party membership is required for almost all high positions in government and commerce. While there are some religious believers in the party, especially in minority autonomous regions, few hold important leadership positions. Most government officials responsible for religious affairs work are not religious believers.
Section 6 Worker Rights
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a. The Right of Association
The PRC's 1982 Constitution provides for "freedom of association," but the guarantee is heavily qualified by references to the interest of the State and the leadership of the CCP. Though trade union officials recognize that workers' interests may not always coincide with those of the party, they claim their role encompasses both passing CCP demands and propaganda down to the workers and channeling workers' demands upward to the enterprises, the party, and the Government.
While union membership is voluntary for individual employees, enterprises are generally required to have a union. Workers in Chinese-foreign joint ventures are guaranteed the right to form unions, which then must affiliate with the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), and joint venture managers report significant union activity and the need to bargain with these unions over wages and benefits. Union officials indicate that about 20 percent of joint ventures have unions, and attribute the lack of unions in other joint ventures to the newness of the firms. However, officials report that union membership is much larger among large joint ventures, which include the majority of U.S. company participation. They state that they are actively organizing unions in those joint ventures that do not have them, and report little opposition from foreign owners.
Human Rights Reports, February, 1992
The right to strike, which had been included in China's 1975 and 1978 Constitutions, was removed from the 1982 Constitution. In 1983, however, the Chairman of the ACFTU stated that, if a trade union and its labor protection safety officers found that a workplace was too dangerous, the union should organize the workers to leave the hazardous areas. Thus, Chinese authorities usually view strikes as justified only when they respond to problems such as a sudden deterioration in safety conditions. While Ministry of Labor officials deny that there have been any recent strikes, there were scattered press reports of strikes and other labor unrest in 1991. Many of these continue to relate to the issue of benefits for laid-off workers.
The ACFTU, nominally an independent organization, is in fact closely controlled by the Communist Party. There have been credible reports of Communist Party harassment through union channels of workers with close working relationships with foreigners. Virtually all state sector workers and nearly 90 percent of all urban workers belong to ACFTU chapters. Unemployed workers are not considered union members.
The Government does not allow independent trade unions, and none operates openly. In 1983 the ACFTU added a new clause to its Constitution requiring that any attempt to set up or dissolve a union be endorsed by its membership and approved by higher bodies in the national trade union structure. While this
Human Rights Reports, February, 1992
clause appears to allow for the existence of nonunion worker groups, no such groups appear to be legally tolerated. The Workers Autonomous Federations that were formed briefly in the Spring of 1989 were all eliminated by arrests of their leaders. Worker leader Han Dongfang was released and all charges dropped in 1991, and the Government told the International Labor Organization (ILO) that Liu Qiang had also been released, but a number of other worker leaders who attempted to form independent unions remain in detention. Reports from several sources, however, indicated that underground worker organizations exist in China. The Hong Kong press has reported that these organizations were subject to official harassment.
ACFTU international activities are subject to policy guidance from the CCP. The ACFTU currently claims to have contacts with trade unions in over 120 countries, without regard to whether the foreign union is affiliated with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the Communist-dominated World Federation of Trade Unions, or other organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Under the labor contract system that now covers approximately 10 percent of China's work force, individual workers may negotiate with management over contract terms. In practice, only the very few workers with highly technical
Human Rights Reports, February, 1992
skills are able to negotiate effectively on salary and fringe benefits issues.
The Government does not permit collective bargaining. Without legal status as a collective bargaining body, the ACFTU's role has been restricted to a consultative one in the decisionmaking process over wages and regulations affecting labor. Most of the terms and conditions of employment continue to be determined unilaterally by management in most cases. In joint ventures and some small collectives, workers have greater influence. The ACFTU has shown itself increasingly concerned about protecting workers' basic living standards and, occasionally, protesting unsafe working conditions; it has organized petitions and even sit-ins demanding that laid-off workers' living wages be protected. Other than in cases where it believes workers' basic welfare is severely threatened (such as inadequate unemployment benefits), the ACFTU generally acts simply as a channel for workers' complaints to the management of individual enterprises and municipal labor bureaus, or as a channel for passing CCP demands and propaganda to workers.
A 1988 law states that trade unions in private enterprises have the right to represent employees and to sign collective bargaining agreements with the enterprises. The significance of this is muted by the fact that the work force of private enterprises now accounts for less than 1 percent of Chinese urban workers. Moreover, there have been no reports of instances in which unions in private enterprises have undertaken collective bargaining over wage, contract or safety issues. Worker congresses, organized in most Chinese enterprises, technically have the authority to remove incompetent managers and approve major decisions affecting the enterprise (notably wage and bonus distribution systems). Worker congresses generally meet only once a year, however, and appear to act primarily as rubber stamps on agreements worked out among factory managers, party secretaries, and union representatives.
In addition, a dispute settlement procedure has been in effect since 1987. According to the procedure, workers who wish to contest a dismissal or other unfair practice must first appeal to an arbitration committee within the factory. If they are not satisfied with the committee's decision they can appeal to a local arbitration committee, chaired by a local labor bureau official with representatives from the union and the enterprise. If not satisfied with this committee's decision, the worker can bring the matter to court, though in practice, this has rarely, if ever, been done.
Laws governing working conditions in China's Special Economic Zones are not significantly different from those in the country at large. While the Government has regulations limiting wages for joint venture employees to 120 percent of state enterprise employees' wages (or 150 percent in highly profitable ventures), these regulations are not uniformly enforced.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
While China has generally abandoned its traditional use of massive corvee labor for construction of infrastructure projects and public facilities, workers are still "mobilized" for public works projects and to augment public security forces. Imprisonment in China, except for those in detention centers, generally entails compulsory labor. Almost all those sentenced by the courts to prison or labor reform camps, including political prisoners, are required to work, usually for little compensation. In addition, China maintains a network of reeducation through labor camps (see Section l.e.) with an officially reported inmate population of 160,000, not sentenced by a court, who also must work.
Under the "staying at prison employment" system, some prisoners are denied permission to return to their homes after release and instead are forced to remain and work in the vicinity of the prison. For those assigned to camps far from their residences, this constitutes a form of internal exile. While the Ministry of Justice claims that only 200 to 300 former prisoners are currently held under this system, most outside observers contend that the true number is far higher, although numbers are impossible to verify. Chinese penal policy emphasizes "reform first, production second," but labor is an integral part of the system both for rehabilitation and in order to help support the facilities. Prisoners in both labor reform and labor reeducation reportedly spend a maximum of 6 hours per day working and 3 hours per day studying. Most reports indicate that work conditions in the export-oriented light manufacturing factories are similar to those in ordinary factories, but conditions on labor farms and in coal mines are exceedingly harsh and in the mines possibly more dangerous than in ordinary mines. Various Chinese newspapers have reported that Chinese prison labor is used for many types of production (examples in parenthesis): infrastructure (roads), heavy industry (coal, steel), light manufacturing (clothing, shoes, small machine tools) and agriculture (grain, tea, sugar cane).
The U.S. Customs Service has issued orders barring a number of products which were reported to be made by prisoners from entering the United States and has detained several shipments of such goods. On October 10, 1991, the Chinese Government published a reiteration of its regulations barring the export of prison-made goods. It also reported to the U.S. Embassy on the results of several investigations, including one where a factory manager was relieved of his administrative duties. At year's end, the U.S. Government was actively negotiating a memorandum of understanding with the Chinese Government on obtaining the necessary information to enforce U.S. law and halt these exports.
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
Regulations promulgated in 1987 prohibit the employment of school-age minors who have not completed the compulsory 9 years of education. Statistics on school attendance indicate that approximately 20 percent of school-age children in the cities and villages do not attend school, and therefore are likely to be working. The number may well be higher in poorer and isolated areas, where child labor in agriculture is assumed to be widespread. In connection with a crackdown on vices, there were reports in the press and by public security officials of female minors being sold into prostitution or to factories as laborers.
In September 1988, the Ministry of Labor issued a circular designed to curb child labor problems; it reiterated those policies this year. It calls for severe fines, withdrawal of business licenses, or jail for employers who hire child laborers under 16 years old. Enforcement appears to have been haphazard. Provincial officials in Guangdong, where the problem of child labor is particularly serious, were unable to say how many enterprises have been prosecuted for child labor violations.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
China does not have a labor code. A draft is apparently circulating, but it remains unclear whether it will be published or made into law.
There is no minimum wage in China.
The legal maximum workweek excluding overtime is 48 hours, of which 3 to 12 hours are generally spent in political study or "education" on current social issues.
At factories and construction sites, occupational health and safety are constant themes of posters and campaigns. Every work unit must designate a health and safety officer; the International Labor Organization has established a training program for these officials. Despite this, general health and safety conditions in the workplace are poor. Both workers and managers often disregard safety procedures. State procurators deal annually with thousands of negligence and accident cases involving criminal or civil liability. The absence of a national labor code makes enforcement of safety regulations by labor bureaus extremely difficult. Most of the cases mentioned above involve physical injuries caused by machinery or transport of materials. Chinese epidemiological officials have only recently become aware of the threat to workers from chemicals and are currently only beginning to monitor such threats.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
Human Rights Reports, February, 1992
LOAD-DATE: March 5, 1992

LEVEL 1 - 31 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1991 The British Broadcasting Corporation
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
January 28, 1991, Monday
SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0981/B2/ 1;
LENGTH: 762 words
HEADLINE: WANG DAN AND 250 ANTIGOVERNMENT RIOT ''OFFENDERS'' SENTENCED
SOURCE: Xinhua News Agency, Peking, in English 0847 gmt 26 Jan 91
Text of report in Chinese 1006 gmt 1030 gmt and China Central Television 1100 gmt
The British Broadcasting Corporation, January 28, 1991
BODY:
Wang Dan and 250 other offenders, who were arrested for violating laws during the anti-government turmoil and rebellion in 1989, have been dealt with respectively according to different criminal circumstances in Peking recently, Xinhua learned here today [Peking, 26th January] .
Eighteen of the offenders have been released by public security and procuratorial organs as they committed only minor crimes and have shown repentance and performed meritorious services. Eight others, who were accused by procuratorial organs, have been tried publicly by the Peking municipal intermediate people's court.
It is learned that 45 more offenders with minor crimes were excused from arrest. They showed repentance after receiving education during the investigations of their cases by the public security organs. They have been given lenient treatment respectively in the past a few months after making written promises to repent.
The municipal intermediate people's court publicly sentenced Wan Dan and seven other offenders here today.
Liu Xiaobo, who committed serious crimes but has acknowledged them, showed repentance and performed some major meritorious services, was exempted from criminal punishment; Chen Lai and Li Chenghuan, who committed less serious crimes and showed repentance, were also exempted from criminal punishment.
Yao Junling was given a lesser punishment of two years' imprisonment with a one-year deprivation of political rights. Wang Dan, who committed serious crimes, but has shown such repentance as confessing his own crimes and exposing others, was given a lesser punishment of four years' imprisonment with a one-year deprivation of political rights; Guo Haifeng, a lesser punishment of four years in jail with a one-year deprivation of political rights. Bao Zunxin, who committed serious crimes, but has repented, also got a lesser punishment of five years' imprisonment with a two-year deprivation of political rights.
However, Ren Wanding, who was found guilty of grave crimes and showed no repentance, was sentenced to an imprisonment of seven years with a deprivation of political rights for three years.
The court held separate public hearings of the cases of Wang Dan and the seven others between 8th and 23rd January . Previously, the city's public security organs investigated their cases one by one and transferred the cases to the procuratorial organs for reviewing. The latter then instituted public prosecutions against the offenders. The public hearings were attended respectively by more than 300 local residents, including family members of the accused and teachers and students from local universities and colleges. Lawyers of the accused conducted defence on their behalf.
The court, after hearings, confirmed that some of the eight defendants, resorting to various means, wantonly conducted public agitation to subvert the people's government and the socialist system during the 1989 turmoil and rebellion, and others made Molotov cocktails to attack the armed forces enforcing the martial law and helping safeguard public order, and performed other acts of sabotage. Their actions violated the country's criminal law and constituted crimes, according to the court decisions.
It is learned that the court handled the cases separately on the principle of taking facts as the basis and the law as the criterion and of combining punishment with leniency, and passed sentences according to the concrete circumstances and endangerment of the crimes and the defendants' attitude towards their crimes and repentance.
The court also told the accused that they may, if disagreeing with the court decisions, appeal to the Higher People's Court within 10 days from the next day after they received the written judgments. The term of fixed imprisonment for a criminal is to be shortened by days spent in custody before the judgment begins to be executed.
Eighteen offenders who committed minor offences and showed repentance have been freed. Eleven of them, including Lu Jiamin, Chen Po, Liu Suli, Xiong Yan, Ding Xiaoping and Wen Jie, were released according to decisions made by the Peking municipal procuratoriate branch. The seven others, including Zhou Yongjun, Chen Wei and Zhang Wei, were freed in accordance with decisions made by the Peking municipal public security bureau.
[Note This report was also carried on 26th January by Xinhua News Agency (in Chinese 1006 gmt), Central People's Broadcasting Station, Peking home service (1030 gmt and China Central Television (1100 gmt)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 32 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1991 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
January 27, 1991, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: FIRST SECTION; PAGE A14
LENGTH: 946 words
HEADLINE: Chinese Activists Sentenced; Student Leader Wang Given 4-Year Term
SERIES: Occasional
BYLINE: Lena H. Sun, Washington Post Foreign Service
DATELINE: BEIJING, Jan. 26, 1991
BODY:
Wang Dan, the most prominent student leader of the 1989 democracy movement, was sentenced to four years in prison today for his role in the protests, while one of China's veteran dissidents, Ren Wanding, received a seven-year term because he "showed no repentance," the official New China News Agency reported.
The two were among 26 activists whose cases were settled today in the second major round of proceedings against students and intellectuals accused of playing key roles in the demonstrations, which were crushed by the army on June 4, 1989.
Five activists received prison terms, three were convicted but exempted from criminal punishment, and 18 were released without trial, including one student leader who was on the government's 21-most-wanted list.
The sentences handed down today by the Beijing Municipal Intermediate People's Court are considered fairly lenient by Chinese government standards. By international human rights standards, however, most of the activists, who were exercising basic rights of free speech and assembly, deserved no criminal punishment.
Wang, a Beijing University history student, headed the government's most-wanted list of student leaders. He went on trial Wednesday on charges of counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement, and the proceedings lasted three hours, Chinese sources said. His parents were not notified until the morning of the trial.
Today's official news agency account said Wang "committed serious crimes but has shown such repentance as confessing his own crimes and exposing others." The government's claim may have been an attempt to discredit Wang with the country's pro-democracy forces and eliminate his effectiveness as a leader in future movements.
Longtime human rights campaigner Ren received the most severe sentence today. Ren, who began his trial Jan. 8 on the same charges as Wang, "was found guilty of grave crimes and showed no repentance," the news agency reported. An accountant in his mid-forties, Ren was a major figure in the democracy movement of 1978-79, but played only a relatively minor role in the seven weeks of mass protests that began in the spring of 1989.
Under the Chinese judicial system, which is controlled by the Communist Party, defendants are under enormous pressure to confess, for which they may receive leniency, while those who resist are dealt with severely. Furthermore, according to Chinese sources, many of the defendants were forced to use government-appointed lawyers, who were barred from pleading not guilty.
In the 19 months since the army killed hundreds of people to crush the protests, the authorities have concentrated on trying and sentencing workers or unemployed people involved in the movement.
This second wave of prosecutions, begun three months ago, is considered politically more sensitive because it is directed at students and intellectuals whom the government has identified as top leaders of the democracy movement.
These trials represent "the government's symbolic decapitation of the 1989 pro-democracy movement," according to a report by Asia Watch, a New York-based human rights organization.
The Chinese government, which came under international sanctions for the army attack on protesters, is apparently pressing the trials now to take advantage of the world's preoccupation with the Persian Gulf War.
The authorities also have been concerned about domestic political currents, and the timing of the trials indicates that they believe the situation inside the country has stabilized, analysts said.
Even though the government today announced the release of many of the accused and exempted some from "criminal punishment," most of the individuals have been incarcerated for more than 18 months without formal charges. All of the sentences handed down today included time already served.
The Washington Post, January 27, 1991
Others who received sentences today include Bao Zunxin, a philosopher in his fifties who argued against martial law, and Guo Haifeng, a Beijing University student who knelt on the steps of the Great Hall of the People to submit a petition to the government. Bao, who also was reported to have "repented" by the news agency, was sentenced to five years. Guo was convicted of counterrevolutionary sabotage for attempting to set fire to an armored vehicle, and was sentenced to four years in prison.
Of the three who were convicted but exempted from punishment, the most prominent is university lecturer and literary critic Liu Xiaobo. He returned to China in April 1989 from the United States, where he had been a visiting scholar at Columbia University. Liu's trial on charges of counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement began last week. The news agency said he "committed serious crimes but has acknowledged them, showed repentance and performed some major meritorious services."
The agency did not elaborate, but Liu's "meritorious services" probably refers to the night of the Chinese army attack, when Liu helped persuade student protesters to peacefully leave Tiananmen Square and negotiated with the army to allow them to retreat.
The 18 who were released without trial include three university lecturers, Lu Jiamin, Liu Suli and Chen Po, and two student leaders, Xiong Yan and Zhou Yongjun.
Several prominent intellectuals who the government claims were the movement's hard-core organizers are awaiting trial and are likely to receive harsh sentences.
The official news agency's account said the hearings were public, attended by more than 300 local residents, with lawyers defending the accused. But admission to the trials was closely controlled by authorities, and closed to foreign reporters and diplomats.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 33 OF 69 STORIES
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service
The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The Xinhua News Agency.
JANUARY 26, 1991, SATURDAY
LENGTH: 717 words HEADLINE: another group of offenders involved in anti-government riots sentenced in beijing
DATELINE: beijing, january 26; ITEM NO: 0126123
BODY:
wang dan and 25 other offenders, who were arrested for violating laws during the anti-government turmoil and rebellion in 1989, have been dealt with respectively according to different criminal circumstances in beijing recently, xinhua learned here today. eighteen of the offenders have been released by public security and procuratorial organs as they committed only minor crimes and have shown repentance and performed meritorious services. eight others, who were accused by procuratorial organs, have been tried publicly by the beijing municipal intermediate people's court. it is learned that 45 more offenders with minor crimes were excused from arrest. they showed repentance after receiving education during the investigations of their cases by the public security organs. they have been given lenient treatment respectively in the past a few months after making written promises to repent. the municipal intermediate people's court publicly sentenced wan dan and seven other offenders here today. liu xiaobo, who committed serious crimes but has acknowledged them, showed repentance and performed some major meritorious services, was exempted from criminal punishment, chen lai and li chenghuan, who committed less serious crimes and showed repentance, were also exempted from criminal punishment. yao junling was given a lesser punishment of two years' imprisonment with a one-year deprivation of political rights, wang dan, who committed serious crimes but has shown such repentance as confessing his own crimes and exposing others, was given a lesser punishment of four years' imprisonment with a one-year deprivation of political rights. guo haifeng, a lesser punishment of four years in jail with a one-year deprivation of political rights. bao zunxin, who committed serious crimes but has repented, also got a lesser punishment of five years' imprisonment with a two-year deprivation of political rights. however, ren wanding, who was found guilty of grave crimes and showed no repentance, was sentenced to an imprisonment of seven years with a deprivation of political rights for three years.
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JANUARY 26, 1991
the court held separate public hearings of the cases of wang dan and the seven others between january 8 and 23. previously, the city's public security organs investigated their cases one by one and transferred the cases to the procuratorial organs for reviewing. the latter then instituted public prosecutions against the offenders. the public hearings were attended respectively by more than 300 local residents including family members of the accused and teachers and students from local universities and colleges. lawyers of the accused conducted defense on their behalf. the court, after hearings, confirmed that some of the eight defendants, resorting to various means, wantonly conducted public agitation to subvert the people's government and the socialist system during the 1989 turmoil and rebellion, and others made molotov cocktails to attack the armed forces enforcing the martial law and helping safeguard public order and performed other acts of sabotage. their actions violated the country's criminal law and constituted crimes, according to the court decisions. it is learned that the court handled the cases separately in the principle of taking facts as the basis and the law as the criterion and of combining punishment with leniency, and passed sentences according to the concrete circumstances and endangerment of the crimes and the defendants' attitude towards their crimes and repentance. the court also told the accused that they may, if disagreeing with the court decisions, appeal to the higher people's court within ten days from the next day after they received the written judgments. the term of fixed imprisonment for a criminal is to be shortened by
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JANUARY 26, 1991
days spent in custody before the judgment begins to be executed. eighteen offenders who committed minor offences and showed repentance have been freed. eleven of them, including lu jiamin, chen po, liu suli, xiong yan, ding xiaoping and wen jie, were released according to decisions made by the beijing municipal procuratoriate branch. the seven others, including zhou yongjun, chen wei and zhang wei, were freed in accordance with decisions made by the beijing municipal public security bureau.


LEVEL 1 - 37 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
July 27, 1989, Thursday SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0519/B2/ 1; LENGTH: 945 words
HEADLINE: ARTICLE ON ROLE OF PEKING UNIVERSITY'S ''DEMOCRATIC SALON'' IN UNREST
SOURCE:
Xinhua in Chinese 0511 gmt 25 Jul 89
Text of report, ''Beijing Ribao'' article exposes the true features of the 'Democracy Salon' at Peking University''
BODY:
Today's [25th July] 'Beijing Ribao' published a signed article exposing the true features of the ''democracy salon'' organised by Fang Lizhi, Li Shuxian, Wang Dan and Liu Gang at Peking University.
The article said By organising the ''democracy salon'', these people attempted to whip up opinion and scrape together followers, thus making ideological and organisational preparations for stirring up turmoil in order to overthrow the leadership of the CCP and the socialist system.
The ''democracy salon'' at Peking University opened on 4th May 1988 when the university celebrated the 70th anniversary of its founding. Up to 12th May 1989, the ''democracy salon'' held a total of 17 sessions, which were presided over by Wang Dan and company, with Fang Lizhi and Li Shuxian as behind-the-scenes advisers.
The article pointed out The ''democracy salon'' at Peking University did not really practice democracy, because it not only invited Fang Lizhi and Li Shuxian to give lectures, but also invited such leading advocates of bourgeois liberalisation as Bao Zunxin, Ren Wanding, Dai Qing, Wu Zuguang and Xu Liangying. These people blatantly preached bourgeois liberalisation at the forums organised by the ''democracy salon'' and attacked the four cardinal principles from the political, economic, cultural and other angles.
They wantonly attacked Marxism and said that Marxism ''is a kind of anti-modernisation theory''. They clamoured that ''to realise democracy, the key lies in changing China's environment''. They slandered the Chinese leaders by saying that ''they do not have a sense of human rights at all''. They also openly voiced grievances for Wei Jingsheng, a condemned counter-revolutionary criminal, describing Wei as ''a talented and promising young man who should be protected''. They went all out to advocate freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of journalism that go against the four cardinal principles, and declared that they would run their own newspapers and magazines to ''spread ideas about democracy''. They attacked the party's journalism policy and wantonly said that ''today's press censorship is worse than that under Kuomintang rule''. These people gnashed their teeth when mentioning the elimination of spiritual pollution and the struggle against bourgeois liberalisation.
All this showed that these people did not really conduct ''academic discussions'', but just opposed the four cardinal principles; and their real purpose was to overthrow the leadership of the CCP and the socialist system and to subvert the people's republic under the guise of ''democracy''.
The article also exposed the activities of the ''democracy salon'' in preparing for the establishment of an organisation.
In early April this year, in order to turn the ''democracy salon'' into a legal organisation, Wang Dan asked students to sign a petition. On 3rd April, Wang Dan put a letter up to the school leadership and the relevant leading department signed by 56 students at the triangle area of the campus. They asked the school leadership to support the ''democracy salon'' and provide it with a venue for meetings They also told some reporters from Hongkong about this in an attempt to make use of the overseas mass media to exert some pressure on the school leadership.
On 19th April, the student unrest occurred. That evening, the ''democracy salon'' held another session to discuss the establishment of an organisation. The participants elected Wang Dan, Feng Congde, Xiong Yan and four others onto the ''preparatory panel for the solidarity student union of Peking University'', in an attempt to replace the legal student union and postgraduate student union at that university.
Through intensive activities, they eventually formed an organisation. The organisers and activists of the ''democracy salon'', such as Wang Dan, Liu Gang, Feng Congde, Yang Tao, Xiong Yan and Guo Haifeng, all became the ringleaders and backbone of the illegal ''Peking College Students Autonomous Federation'' during the turmoil and the counter-revolutionary rebellion.
The article said The organisers of the ''democracy salon'' acted in collusion with the leading advocates of bourgeois liberalisation. They took advantage of the opportunity presented by the death of Comrade Hu Yaobang to instigate, engineer and create a round of soul-stirring turmoil and a counter-revolutionary rebellion.
On 12th May, when the student unrest was ''at a low ebb'', they held the 17th session of the ''democracy salon''. There, Bao Zunxin talked a lot of nonsense. He said that the demonstration on 27th April would hold an outstanding position in the history of the PRC, because ''its scale and influence all exceeded the 4th May demonstration in 1919''. He also explicitly pointed out that the 26th April editorial must be negated. This added fuel to the escalation of the turmoil.
On the afternoon of 12th May, Wang Dan and two others put up a ''hunger strike statement'' on the campus of Peking University. Next day, hundreds of students began their hunger strike. Yan Jiaqi, Bao Zunxin and Su Shaozhi then staged the farce of the intellectuals' demonstration in the capital to support the hunger-striking students. This showed that the organisers of the ''democracy salon'' indeed collaborated perfectly with the leading advocates of bourgeois liberalisation.
The article pointed out These people are not ''people of learning'' or an ''elite'', they are in fact adventurous henchmen of bourgeois liberalisation. The ''democracy salon'' was a position that they used to launch attacks on the party and the socialist system.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 38 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation BBC Summary of World Broadcasts

July 12, 1989, Wednesday SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0506/B2/ 1;
LENGTH: 1909 words
HEADLINE: 'RENMIN RIBAO' EXAMINES ACTIVITIES OF ILLEGAL STUDENTS ORGANISATION
SOURCE:
'Renmin Ribao' overseas edition in Chinese 8 Jul 89
Text of article by Yan Shi (0917 1395), originally carried in 4th July's 'Beijing Qingnian Bao' ''Please look at the true colours of the college federation' ''
BODY:
The full name of the ''college federation'' is the ''Federation of Autonomous Student Unions in Peking Universities and Colleges''. In the course of the Peking student unrest which turned into turmoil and then a counter-revolutionary rebellion, the ''college federation'' played a very important role from beginning to end. Because of the complicated nature of the struggle, many kindhearted people do not clearly understand the true colours of the ''college federation''. With the supression of the counter-revolutionary rebellion and exposure of the true nature of a handful of people and various forces who fabricated, manoeuvred and utilised the student unrest, the counter-revolutionary nature of the ''college federation'' has been gradually revealed.
First, the background to the establishment of the ''college federation'' and its organisational system
Since the first half of last year, some people from the colleges began to conduct organised activities, advocating various bourgeois liberalisation views among the students. From the end of 1988 they whipped up dissatisfaction with the government to make trouble on the occasions of the 70th anniversary of the 4th May Movement, the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution and the 40th anniversary of the founding of the PRC. In February and March this year, they were more active in organising various salons and seminars, collecting signatures, and claiming to stage a democratic movement by 4th May with the aim of instituting a multi-party system in politics and private ownership of the economy. When Comrade Hu Yaobang died on 15th April they considered it was a good opportunity to stir up emotions and moved their original plans up.
From May 1988 some people organised weekly ''democratic salons'' and invited leading advocates of bourgeois liberalisation, such as Prof Fang Lizhi, to disseminate their propaganda. On 19th April this year the ''Peking College Student Solidarity Preparation Committee'' was set up to lead the so-called student movement at the 16th ''Democratic Salon'', presided over by Wang Dan. The preparatory committee consisted of seven members Ding Xiaoping, Wang Dan, Yang Tao, Yang Dantao, Xiong Yan, Feng Congde and Chang Jin. The preparatory comm ittee laid the foundations for the ''Federation of Autonomous Student Unions in Peking Universities and Colleges''.
As the unrest turned into turmoil they considered the time was ripe for them to attack the party and the government. Drawing lessons from past student unrest, they rushed to organise their own system. On 20th April, over 300 students from different institutions held a meeting, presided over by Ding Xiaoping, and announced the founding of the ''Federation of Autonomous Student Unions in Peking Universities and Colleges'', which directly organised tens of thousands of students to participate in the petition activities in Tiananmen Square on 22nd April. On 23rd April, ''representatives'' of 21 universities and colleges held a meeting in Yuanmingyuan Park to found the ''Provisional Committee of Peking Universities and Colleges'', that is, the provisional college student federation, and elected Zhou Yongjun, a student at the Peking University of Political Science and Law, as chairman. The members included Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi, Mao Shaofang and Zang Kai. On 28th April, the ''provisional committee'' held a meeting at the University of Political Science and Law and replaced Zhou Yongjun with Wuer Kaixi as chairman. The name of the provisional committee was changed to ''The Federation of Autonomous Student Unions in Peking Universities and Colleges''. This marked the official founding of the federation.
Since its founding, the federation has had two remarkable features First, frequent personnel changes and the stability of backbone members and, second, multiple names and derivative organisations. For example, a ''Dialogue Delegation'' was founded on 2nd May, a ''Hunger Strike Delegation'' on 13th May and the ''Tiananmen Square Provisional Headquarters'' on 22nd May,which was changed to ''The Headquarters To Defend Tiannmen Square'' on 26th May. The main reasons for these were First, to meet their so-called ''needs of struggle''. The purpose was to put up smokescreens. Actually, the ringleaders, Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi, Chai Ling, Feng Congde, and Guo Haifeng remained active in various organisations. Second frequent differences of opinion and disputes arose within the ''college federation'' in a scramble for power and benefit which resulted in the disintegration of the federation.
Second the true colours of the ''college federation''
From the preparation to its founding, the federation had a very clear programme. Its fundamental purpose was to overthrow the leadership of the Communist Party, overturn the socialist system and annul the four cardinal principles. Their slogans and specific targets changed constantly in the light of the development of the situation. At the beginning of the turmoil they attacked party and state leaders and tried to negate the anti-bourgeois liberalisation movement and the drive to eliminate spiritual pollution, and to rehabilitate the ringleadsers of the bourgeois liberalisation. In the course of the dialogue during the turmoil they demanded that the CCP thoroughly negate the 26th April editorial and bless the demonstrations as a ''patriotic movement''. They also demanded that their ''Federation '' be recognised as a legitimate organisation. During the turmoil they openly advocated the dismissal of certain leading personages and agitated for subversion of the government. Their purpose was, as Wang Dan stated in an article in the US publication 'World Herald' on 17th May, to ''set up a Westernised political system'', a system of private ownership of the economy, and a multi-party system in politics
The ''college federation'' was also the direct organiser of the turmoil and counter-revolutionary rebellion. It took a direct part in creating the turmoil from its very establishment. It organised the illegal petition in Tiananmen Square on 22nd April, the city-wide student strike on 24th April and the demonstrations on 4th May and succeeding days. In particular, it organised a hunger strike during Gorbachev's state visit to China on 13th May, in an attempt to impose pressure on the party and the government by using the students' lives as pawns. On 19th May, the ''college federation'' began to spread rumours after learning from behind-the-scenes sources that martial law would be declared in the capital city. The federation said that the troops would enter Peking to suppress the students. It announced the code numbers of the martial law enforcement units and their march routes and incited the students and civilians to block army vehicles and surround the troops. On 25th May the federation held a meeting at which it worked out two sets of plans and decided to assault the government fiercely. It also sent five propaganda teams to various parts of the country to wage unified action. On 2nd June the federation organised an exhibition of ''trophies'' in front of the Monument to the People's Heroes to show the military equipment it had illegally looted. At the same time, it broadcast details of how to make and use Molotov cocktails. The ''college federation'' also held a joint meeting with the ''Peking Autonomous Workers Union'' to draw up plans for beating, smashing, looting and burning to be carried out throughout the country. They were also prepared to set up an assassination group and had thus become the direct organisers of turmoil.
The ''college federation'' is a traitorous organisation that has collaborated and formed close ties with foreign reactionary forces, directly accepting their financial support. According to its own estimates, it needed at least 100,000 yuan daily to continue the activities in the square. Local donations were far from enough to cover this huge cost. A deputy director of the federation asserted that they had collected a total of 10m yuan, including 3m yuan in cash. Overseas funds came from the USA, France and Hongkong. Some people also rented rooms in the Peking Hotel to provide funds for the students in the square. When the federation ringleaders finally fled, each had tens of thousands of yuan. The ''college federation'' obtained passports through foreign forces for 40 ringleaders of the organisation to be used when fleeing the country in case the situation turned disadvantageous to them. They provided foreign press media with classified state material and information and are trying to fool and incite the people in China through the foreign media.
The ''college federation'' shouted the slogans of democracy and freedom but, as a matter of fact, they were a gang of political hooligans. The logic was this ''When rumours are repeated several hundred times they will become truth.'' They fabricated rumours to stir up the emotions of the students and other people in an attempt to keep the turmoil going. After Comrade Hu Yanbang's death, the federation asserted that he was poisoned to death. The purpose was to incite a studentdemonstration. Subsequently, they fabricated rumours that a ''female student from the Peking Teachers' University had been killed by a police car'' and that a ''massacre occurred in front of Xinhuamen Gate on 20th April''. Some students who did not know the facts were deceived and took to the streets on 21st April. On 22nd April the federation fabricated the rumour that Premier Li Peng had promised, but then refused, to meet the students, thus aggravating the students' resentment against the government.
On 13th May it instigated the students to go on hunger strike by spreading a rumour that the government had refused to hold a dialogue with the students. It asserted that the hunger strike would last for 30 hours only but, as a matter of fact, once students joined the hunger strike, they were not allowed to withdraw, while the organisers of the hunger strike engaged in extravagant eating and drinking. On 20th May and the days thereafter, they spread the rumour that the martial law enforcement troops would take repressive measures against the students and also called on the students to defend the square, thus setting the students against the government. When a traffic accident claimed the lives of three civilians on the night of 2nd June, the federation said that three pro-democracy fighters were killed by a military truck and used this as a pretext to trigger off a counter-revolutionary rebellion. On 4th June they fabricated a rumour that the ''troops had carried out a bloody massacre in Tiananmen Square and that several thousand people were killed'', in an attempt to instigate the masses to oppose the government. Thus the student movement developed into a riot and eventually turned into a counter-revolutionary rebellion because the ''college federation'' kept fabricating rumours to fool the masses and incite their feelings.
From what it has done, we know that the ''college federation'' was set up after long preparations and was a counter-revolutionary organisation with an explicit political programme and target. Spreading rumours was its main method of inciting the people. It used the good intentions of the masses to stir up turmoil and counter-revolutionary rebellion. More and more people will surely see it in its true colours.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 39 OF 69 STORIES
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service
The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The Xinhua News Agency.
JULY 7, 1989, FRIDAY
LENGTH: 603 words
HEADLINE: student-1 "beijing autonomous student union" unmasked
DATELINE: beijing, july 7; ITEM NO: 0707137
BODY:
the "federation of autonomous student unions in beijing universities and colleges" played an important role in the whole process of the recent turbulence in the capital, from the student demonstrations to turmoil and counter-revolutionary rioting, the "people's daily" reported today. under the headline, "the true colors of the federation of autonomous student unions in beijing universities and colleges", the paper said that many people fail to understand the true nature of the federation because of the complications of the recent struggle. with the quelling of the riots and disclosure of the true nature of the small number of people and reactionary forces that fabricated, maneuvered and utilized the student unrest, the counter-revolutionary nature of the federation has been gradually exposed as well. on the background to the federation, the paper reported that since the first half of last year, some people began to conduct organized activities, advocating various views of bourgeois liberalization among students. from the end of last year, they whipped up dissatisfaction with the government to make trouble on the occasions of the 70th anniversary of the may 4th movement, 200th anniversary of the french revolution and the 40th anniversary of the founding of new china. in february and march this year, they were more active in organizing various salons and seminars, collecting signatures and claiming to create a democratic movement by may 4, with the aim of instituting a multi-party system in politics and private ownership of the economy. when comrade hu yaobang died april 15, they considered it was a good opportunity to stir up emotions and moved up their original plans.from may 1988, some people organized "democratic salons" once a week and invited leading advocates of bourgeois liberalization such as professor fang lizhi to disseminate their propaganda. april 19 this year, the "beijing university student solidarity preparation committee" was set up to lead the student movement at the 16th "democratic salon" presided over by student wang dan. the preparatory committee consisted of seven members: ding xiaoping, wang dan, yang tao, yang dantao, xiong yan, feng congde and chang jin. the preparatory committee laid the foundation for the "federation of autonomous student unions in beijing universities and colleges". as the unrest turned into turmoil, they considered the time was ripe for them to attack the party and the government. drawing lessons from past student unrest, they rushed to organize their own system. april 20, over 300 students from different institutions held a meeting presided over by ding xiaoping, and announced the founding of the "federation of student unions of beijing universities and colleges", which directly organized tens of thousands of students to occupy tian'anmen square april 22. on april 23, representatives of 21 universities and colleges held a meeting in yuanmingyuan park to found the "provisional committee of beijing universities and colleges", that is, the provisional federation of the student unions, and elected zhou yongjun, a student at the beijing university of political science and law, as chairman. the members included wang dan, wu'erkaixi, ma shaofang and zang kai. april 28, the provisional committee held a meeting at the university of political science and law and replaced zhou yongjun with wu'erkaixi as chairman. the name of the provisional committee was changed to "the federation of autonomous student unions in beijing universities and colleges", which marked the official founding of the federation.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JULY 7, 1989
LOAD-DATE: July 8, 1989
LEVEL 1 - 40 OF 69 STORIES
Copyright 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation BBC Summary of World Broadcasts

June 22, 1989, Thursday SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0489/B2/ 1;
LENGTH: 79 words
HEADLINE: OTHER REPORTS ON ARREST AND TRAILS;
Student union leaders arrested in Xian and Datong
SOURCE: Peking television 0315 gmt 14 Jun 89
BODY:
On 13th June, after the Ministry of Public Security transmitted a Peking municipality-issued circular ordering the arrest of leaders, and ''backbone elements'' of the autonomous union of college students who were still at large, it was learned that the public security department arrested Zhou Fengsuo, listed as wanted on circular at a certain engineering college in Xian. Meanwhile, Xiong Yan was also arrested by public security personnel on train No 170 in Datong.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 22, 1989 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

LEVEL 1 - 41 OF 69 STORIES

Copyright 1989 Facts on File, Inc. Facts on File World News Digest


June 16, 1989
SECTION: INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
PAGE: Pg. 433 A1
LENGTH: 1739 words
HEADLINE: China Begins Crackdown on Pro-democracy Activists; Hundreds of Students and Workers Arrested; Deng Reappears After Absence
BODY: Chinese authorities June 9-15 began arresting hundreds of pro-democracy activists in Beijing and elsewhere less than one week after the army had violently suppressed a student-led protest movement in the capital. [See p. 409A1]
1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989 At the same time, the Chinese regime launched a sweeping propaganda campaign aimed at discrediting widespread reports that several thousand protesters had been killed during the army assault. [See below]
The nationwide crackdown coincided with the reappearance of China's paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping, who had not been seen in public since his May 16 summit meeting in Beijing with Soviet President Mikhail S. Gorbachev. During his absence, the 84-year-old Deng had repeatedly been rumored to have died. [See p. 411E1]
Deng and nine other top officials were shown June 9 on state-run television meeting with senior army commanders in the capital. Outside observers said the broadcast was the clearest indication in a month that hard-liners were in control of the country.
Standing near Deng at the meeting were Premier Li Peng, President Yang Shangkun and Wan Li, the head of the National People's Congress, China's nominal parliament. Other figures at the gathering included Vice President Wang Zhen, Deputy Premier Yao Yilin, Qiao Shi, the party's security chief, and Bo Yibo, the deputy chairman of the Central Advisory Commission. A pair of retired party veterans -- former President Li Xiannian and Peng Zhen, the former head of the People's Congress -- were also in attendance.
1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989
Conspicuously absent was Zhao Ziyang, the general secretary of the Communist Party, who was widely believed to have been stripped of his power.
Deng praised the army commanders at the meeting for their recent suppression of the protests in the capital, and he harshly denounced the pro-democracy activists and their supporters.
"A very small number of people started to cause chaos which later developed into a counterrevolutionary rebellion," Deng said. "Their aim was to overthrow the Communist Party and the socialist system."
He declared that the protests would not affect the course of the nation. "Our basic direction, our basic strategy and policy will not change," Deng said.
The paramount leader also called for a moment of silence to mourn the "heroes" who died in the military action, an apparent reference to soldiers and policemen killed during the disorder.
First Arrests Announced -- The government June 9 announced that an undisclosed number of "thugs" and "hooligans" had been arrested for suspected involvement in the pro-democracy demonstrations.
1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989
Chinese television news programs during the day repeatedly showed pictures of unidentified young men being brought in to police stations for questioning.
It was the first report of large-scale arrests since the protest movement had begun in mid-April. (On May 30, the government had said that 14 people had been detained in connection with the unrest. [See p. 396E1])
State-run news broadcasts June 10 said that more than 400 people had been arrested in Beijing on various charges related to the protests, including beating soldiers, stealing ammunition from the military, burning army trucks and spreading rumors.
Among those detained was Guo Haifeng, one of the leaders of an independent student group that had helped organize the protests.
Additional arrests were reported the same day in the provincial cities of Chengdu, Xian, Shenyang, Nanjing and Changsha.
In a development that caused concern among foreign journalists covering the unrest in Beijing, the official Chinese media June 11 reported the arrest of a man who had been shown on ABC News June 5 harshly denouncing the military crackdown in the capital.
1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989
The unidentified man had told ABC News that army tanks had crushed protesters to death during the crackdown and that 20,000 people had been killed in the unrest. After his capture, he was shown on state television retracting his story.
Chinese authorities June 12 ordered the abolition of all independent student and worker organizations, and announced that police had been authorized to shoot rioters on sight.
A "wanted" list of 21 student leaders was broadcast June 13 on the official evening news program. The students were accused of organizing a "counterrevolutionary rebellion," a crime punishable in China by death.
Two of the student leaders, Zhou Fengsuo and Xiong Yan, were arrested June 14, Chinese television reports said. A third leader, Xiong Wei, surrendered June 15 to authorities.
According to Western estimates, a total of at least 1,000 people around the country had been arrested as of June 15 in connection with the disorders.
Three in Shanghai Sentenced to Die -- Three young workers in Shanghai June 15 were sentenced to death for helping set fire to a train during a protest the
1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989
previous week. [See p. 411A3]
The sentences marked the first imposition of capital punishment against protesters seized during the recent unrest.
The three condemned men -- Xu Guoming, Bian Hanwu and Yan Xuerong -- had been charged with destroying public property in connection with an incident June 6 in which students and workers had set fire to a train that had run over a group of protesters lying on the railroad tracks, killing six of them.
No one had perished in the train fire, but several firefighters reportedly were beaten up and nine railroad cars were destroyed.
Earlier, a crowd of between 40,000 and 100,000 people had marched June 9 in Shanghai to protest the military crackdown in Beijing.
Government Denies Massacre -- The mass arrest of dissidents was accompanied by a concerted effort by the government's propaganda organs to portray the Beijing crackdown as a heroic action by the army to save the country from turmoil. [See p. 411B1]
1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989
Chinese television broadcasts during the week focused on the casualties incurred by the military and police in the suppression of the protests. Reports that hundreds of unarmed civilians had been massacred by army troops -- reports that were well documented by Western journalists and Chinese witnesses -- were dismissed by the state-run media as nothing more than "rumors" spread by foreigners.
The Chinese broadcasts featured visits by government leaders to local hospitals where injured army troops were recovering, and interviews with angry citizens blaming the pro-democracy protesters for the disorder.
People purporting to be witnesses to the military action were repeatedly shown praising the army troops for their restraint.
The propaganda department of the Beijing branch of the Communist Party June 14 released the government's first detailed version of the crackdown.
The report said that protesters in the capital, supported by "overseas reactionary political forces," staged an unprovoked attack June 3-4 on military convoys moving through Beijing, killing nearly 100 soldiers and policemen and wounding thousands of others. Some 180 army vehicles were destroyed in the attack, the official account said.
1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989
The account claimed that the troops at first held their fire but were then compelled to shoot at the protesters in the face of extraordinary provocations. About 100 civilians were killed and 1,000 wounded in the turmoil, the report said.
U.S. in Row over Top Dissident -- China and the U.S. meanwhile became involved in a diplomatic confrontation over the fate of a prominent dissident being sheltered in the American embassy in Beijing. The dispute erupted after the Chinese government June 9 accused the dissident, Fang Lizhi, of being a traitor who had incited the recent unrest in the capital. [See p. 412A1] Fang and his wife, Li Shuxian, had been in hiding in the American embassy since June 5. U.S. officials had refused to turn the couple over to Chinese authorities. U.S. Secretary of State James A. Baker 3rd met June 10 in Washington, D.C. with China's ambassador to the U.S., Han Xu, in an attempt to settle the stand-off. Talks between the two officials ended, however, with the issue unresolved. The Chinese government raised the stakes in the matter June 11, when it issued a warrant for the arrest of Fang and Li. According to the official New 1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989 China News Agency, the couple was accused of "committing crimes of counterrevolutionary propaganda and instigation" during the unrest. Although Fang had avoided active participation in the student-led pro-democracy movement -- reportedly for fear that the government would use his participation as a pretext to crush the protests -- he was depicted in the Chinese media as the main instigator of the recent disorders. Following the announcement of the arrest warrant, Baker June 12 again met with Han in an effort to find an acceptable solution to the dispute. U.S. officials June 13 said they had proposed that Fang be allowed to leave the American embassy in China to go to a third country, but the offer had yet to be formally accepted or rejected by the Chinese government. Three Foreign Journalists Expelled -- Chinese authorities June 10 expelled Peter Newport, a journalist for the Independent Television News in Great Britain, after he videotaped a student demonstration in Shanghai. Newport was the first foreign correspondent to be forced to leave the country for covering the unrest. 1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989 Several days later, on June 14, two American reporters stationed in Beijing were also ordered expelled. The Chinese government accused the two -- Alan W. Pessin of the Voice of America and John E. Pomfret of the Associated Press -- of violating martial law restrictions on press coverage of the disorder. Two Chinese Diplomats Defect -- Two diplomats stationed at the Chinese consulate in San Francisco announced June 11 that they were seeking political asylum in the U.S. The two, identified as Zhang Liman, an acting consul for overseas affairs, and Zhou Liming, a vice consul for cultural affairs, made the announcement at a rally staged in front of San Francisco's city hall to protest the recent crackdown in Beijing. The pair said they had decided to defect after the Chinese government began a propaganda campaign to deny that a large-scale massacre of civilians had ever taken place. Rally Held at U.N. -- An estimated 16,000 people attended a protest rally against the Chinese government staged June 9 outside the United Nations 1989 Facts on File, June 16, 1989 building and the Chinese mission to the U.N. in New York City. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 42 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Newsday, Inc. Newsday June 16, 1989, Friday, NASSAU AND SUFFOLK EDITION SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 5 Other Edition: City Pg. 6, Home Pg. 5 LENGTH: 1174 words HEADLINE: China to Execute 3 Men; Hands down first death sentences arising from unrest BYLINE: By Jeff Sommer. Newsday Foreign Editor DATELINE: Beijing BODY: In the first death sentences linked to the pro-democracy movement, three men were convicted of sabotage yesterday for allegedly setting fire to a train that had just plowed through demonstrators in Shanghai and killed six people. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 16, 1989 As has become customary since the military attack on Tiananmen Square two weekends ago, the news was released on the evening national television broadcast. Three men were shown in a Shanghai courtroom, apparently impassive as a judge handed down capital punishment. They were charged with having attacked a train in Shanghai on June 6, moments after the locomotive struck and killed six demonstrators who were blocking the tracks in protest against the bloody crackdown in Beijing. The three were given three days to appeal their sentences. (***The following appeared in the Home edition***[In Beijing, China's leadership has ordered "severe punishment" for the ringleaders of the protest and will continue carrying out mass arrests, Reuter quoted a Communist Party source as saying today.]) Neither the television broadcast nor an official Xinhua news agency report referred to the demonstrators who were killed and injured when the train struck them. Instead, Xinhua described the incident as a "traffic accident" in which 'the three criminals and scoundrels frenziedly smashed the railway carriages and set fire to police motorcycles and the carriages." (c) 1989 Newsday, June 16, 1989 Xinhua identified "the three criminals" as "Xu Guoming, a worker at a Shanghai brewery, Bian Hanwu, an unemployed worker, and Yan Xuerong, a worker at the Shanghai No. 18 Radio Factory." The three men prevented firefighters from extinguishing the fire and beat them, "causing a direct economic loss [to China] of nearly 3 million yuan [more than $ 800,000] and stopping transport on the railway line for 50 hours," Xinhua said. The broadcast also showed one of the 21 "most wanted" student protest leaders giving himself up to authorities at his mother's urging. Xiong Wei, 28, a student of radio science at Qinghua University in Beijing, whose "mug shot" was flashed across television screens Tuesday night, was shown in a Beijing public security office after surrendering on a train from Shenyang, where he had gone into hiding and to see his family after the military's attack on Tiananmen Square. He was depicted as the first of the Tiananmen "counterrevolutionaries" to turn himself in, as the authorities have demanded on television, radio, public loudspeakers and in newspapers and posters. Xiong appeared to be calm and, from time to time, smiling. He was comfortably seated on a couch and was treated respectfully by officials who read his written confession. An announcer said he was in charge of "foreign contacts" within the student movement. Foreigners have been accused of influencing the movement and (c) 1989 Newsday, June 16, 1989 of distorted reporting. By contrast, earlier in the day Beijing television showed 26 workers who had been arrested by police for their protest activities being led, with their heads shaved, before a crowd in the city of Changchun. Some of the workers had signs hanging from their necks, saying they had been sentenced to "labor reform" - hard labor in prison - for such alleged crimes as "instigating social unrest" and "spreading rumors." Signs and duncecaps were common signs of public disgrace for political criminals during the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s but have not been used in recent years. Evening television also showed Xiong Yan, 25, a law student at Beijing University, surrendering to police. A day earlier the television announced the arrest of Xiong, also one of the 21 top student "counterrevolutionaries" on police lists, but showed no pictures of him. He appeared to be in good health. On Tuesday the evening television news broadcast said that Zhou Fengsuo, a third student on the list of 21, had been turned in by his sister. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 16, 1989 [Three prominent student leaders - Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi and Chai Ling - were among the 18 remaining as fugitives. In Australia, The Associated Press reported, Prime Minister Bob Hawke refused Wednesday to discuss newspaper reports in his country that the Australian Embassy in Beijing was sheltering Ling, a 22-year-old female psychology student at Beijing Normal University.] More than 1,000 people have been officially reported to have been arrested in connection with the now-banned pro-democracy movement. New arrests have been shown daily on television, with the "criminals" usually handcuffed, being pushed before magistrates by officers, and signing confessions on the spot. Many of the offenders had swollen faces, and one was photographed in a blood-spattered jail cell. U.S. journalists came under attack on the evening news again. An announcer, quoting Xinhua, said the Red Cross Society of China denied saying that 2,600 people were killed in Tiananmen Square, as was reported by Voice of America and United Press International. [***The following appeared in the City edition***"The figure does not conform to the reality and is sheer fabrication" a spokesman for the society was reported to have said.] (c) 1989 Newsday, June 16, 1989 On Wednesday Alan Pessin, the Voice of America's bureau chief here, and Associated Press correspondent John Pomfret were ordered out of the country for alleged "illegal newsgathering activities" under martial law regulations. The Voice of America is extremely popular and is described by many Chinese as one of their few reliable sources of news. It broadcasts on shortwave frequencies that the government has jammed electronically over the past month. The government also has attacked the VOA repeatedly in propaganda organs. Despite the frequent criticism of foreigners, China has offered repeated assurances that it will continue to welcome foreign investment and tourism. Yesterday the National Tour Administration declared that "overseas friends may come on normal visits to China," Xinhua said. "The announcement assures would-be visitors" that life in Beijing is "normal," Xinhua said. Armed soldiers continue to occupy Beijing, and while there have been few incidents of violence in the last few days, most hotels, restaurants and tourist spots are deserted. In another announcement reported by Xinhua, Zheng Tuobin, minister of foreign economic relations and trade, declared that "turmoil and counterrevolutionary rebellion over the past two months have done serious political and economic (c) 1989 Newsday, June 16, 1989 damages to the country." Xinhua reported that China lost more than 1 billion yuan because of the "disturbances." Zheng said that while "governments of the developing countries and most socialist countries have shown understanding to our crackdown on the riots . . . the majority of developed countries are reluctant to have their business relations with China adversely affected." He warned, "We will stand firm on our principles and make necessary struggles if foreign partners use the crackdown on riots as an excuse to cancel, suspend or postpone their obligations and try to interfere in China's internal affairs." GRAPHIC: AP Photos-1) Chinese TV shows workers being paraded in Beijing with signs accusing them of fomenting unrest. 2) A cyclist passes squad of Chinese police officers occupying Tiananmen Square. 3) AP Photo-4) Reuter Photo-Two of three workers sentenced to death in Shanghai in the torching of a train. 5) Reuter/UPI Photo-Scene from Chinese TV: Xu Guoming, above left, is sentenced to death in Shanghai. (page 6 C) LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 43 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation BBC Summary of World Broadcasts June 15, 1989, Thursday SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0483/B2/ 1; LENGTH: 1763 words HEADLINE: WANTED ORDER BROADCAST FOR ARREST OF STUDENT LEADERS SOURCE: Peking television 1000 gmt 13 Jun 89 Text of report FE/0482 i in English 1232 gmt 13 Jun 89 BODY: [Video begins with medium close-up of an unidentified male announcer, reading from script] The Ministry of Public Security today [13th June] issued a notice The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 relaying a wanted order issued by the Peking municipal public security bureau. [To] Public security departments and bureaux of all provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the central government and public security bureaux of railway, communications, and civil aviation departments Gaozilian, the illegal Peking College Students Autonomous Federation incited and organised a counter-revolutionary rebellion in Peking. The Peking public security bureau has already issued a wanted order for Wang Dan and 20 other fugitives, who are ringleaders and other backbone elements of the organisaton. We are now relaying the order and all public security organs of all provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the central government; public security organs of railway, civil aviation and communications departments; and all public security checkpoints in border areas are expected to deploy forces immediately to stop these people from escaping. Once they are discovered, these wanted members of the Peking College Students Autonomous Federation shall be detained and the Peking municipal public security bureau shall be notified. [Dated] 13th June 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 [Video cuts to sequence of full-screen information board. Each has a small black-and-white still head-and-shoulders photograph of the wanted individual centred in top half of screen, and Chinese description of the individual in the lower half, as announcer reads the description of each one shown. STCs provided from on-screen information.] Wang Dan [3769 0030], male, 24 A native of Jilin. Student in the Department of History, Peking University. Approximately 1.73 metres tall. Has a pointed lower jaw, relatively thin hair, cavities on his front teeth, and relatively thin physical features. Wears glasses for myopia. Speaks with husky Peking accent. Wuer Kaixi [0702 1422 7030 1585], formerly known as Wuer Kaixi [0702 1422 0418 6007]. Male, born on 17th February 1968. Uygur nationality. A native of Yining County, Xinjiang Autonomous Region. Student of the 1988 class of the Education Department, Peking Normal University. Is 1.74 metres tall. Hair parted in the middle. Hair colour is yellowish. Has long face, big eyes, thick lips, thick lips, relatively white skin, relatively rough voice. Speaks Putonghua. Regularly wears green military trousers. Liu Gang [0941 0474], male. A native of Liaoyuan city, Jilin. Former graduate student of the Department of Physics, Peking University, now unemployed. The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 Approximately 1.65 metres tall. Has a square face, full beard, relatively long sideburns. Speaks with a north-eastern accent. Chai Ling [2693 3781], female. Born on 15th April 1966. Han nationality. A native of Rizhao city, Shandong. Graduate student of the 1986 class of the Department of Psychology, Peking Normal University. Is 1.56 metres tall. Has a round face, single-fold eyelids, high cheekbones, short hair and relatively white skin. Zhou Fengsuo [0719 6912 6956], male. Born on 15th October 1967. Han nationality. A native of Changan county, Shaanxi Province. A student of the 1985 class of the Department of Physics, Qinghua University. Is 1.76 metres tall. Has a square face, pointed chin and quite heavy eyebrows. Zhai Weimin [5049 0251 3046], originally called Zhai Weimin [5049 3634 3046]. Male, 21. A native of Xinan county, Henan Province. Student of Peking Economics College. Is 1.68 metres tall. Thin, has a long, oval face, crew cut, single-fold eyelids, relatively dark facial complexion. Speaks with quite a heavy Henan accent. Liang Qingtun [2733 2348 2557], alias Liang Zhaoren [2733 0340 0088], Male. Born on 11th May 1969. A native of Pengxi county, Sichuan Province. Student of The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 the 1987 class of the Department of Psychology, Peking University. Is 1.71 metres tall. Has quite a thin physique and quite dark skin, a long squarish face, small eyes, high nose, quite thick lips. Can speak Putonghua. Wang Zhengyun [3769 2973 0061], male, 21, of Kucong nationality. Address Lianfang village, Nanke town, Mengla district, Jinping county, Honghe prefecture, Yunnan Province. Student of the Central Institute for Nationalities. Height about 1.67 metres. Long, thin face, hair parted in the middle, dark brown complexion with freckles. Zheng Xuguang [6774 2485 0342], male, 20. Native of Mixian county, Henan. Address 56 North Lane, Huancheng West Road, Xian city. Student of Peking Aeronautic and Astronautic University. Height 1.81 metres, weight 63 kg. Long, oval face, single-fold eyelids, a pointed chin, big ears. Ma Shaofang [7456 1421 2455], male, born in November, 1964. Native of Jiangdu city, Jiangsu Province. Student of the evening writing classes of Peking Film Academy. Height about 1.67 metres. On the thin side, long face, pointed chin, dark-skinned, wears glasses for myopia. Yang Tao [2799 3447], male, 19. Native of Fuzhou city, Fujian. History student of Peking University. Height about 1.70metres. On the thin side, high The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 cheekbones, double-fold eyelids, wears glasses, speaks Putonghua. Wang Zhixin [3769 3112 2450], male. Born in November 1967. Student of China University of Political Science and Law. Address Textile Industry School, Yuci city, Shanxi. Height 1.69 metres. Long hair, wears glasses. Feng Congde [1409 1783 1795], male, 22. Native of Sichuan Province. Candidate of the Institute of Remote Sensing of Peking University. Height about 1.70 metres. On the thin side, dark-skinned. Wang Chaohua [3769 6389 5478], female, 37. Graduate student of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Height about 1.63 metres. Rather thin, long face, dark brown complexion, triangular eyes, short hair. Wang Youcai [3769 2589 2088, male. Born in June 1966. Native of Zhejiang Province. Graduate student of the Law Department of Peking University. Zhang Zhiqing [1728 1807 3237], male. Born in June 1964. Native of Taiyuan city, Shangxi. Student of China Political Science and Law University. Zhang Boli [1728 0130 4567], male, 26. Native of Wangkui county, Heilongjiang Province. Student of the writing class of Peking University. Height about 1.75 The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 metres. A little overweight, round face, double-fold eyelid, upturned nose, thick lips. Speaks with a north-eastern accent. Li Lu [2621 6922], male, about 20. Student of Nanjing University. Height about 1.74 metres. Middle type of figure, square chin, protruding lower teeth. Zhang Ming [1728 6900], male. Born in April 1965. Native of Jilin city, Jilin Province. Student of the Automotive Engineering Department of Qinghua University. Xiong Wei [3574 3555], male. Born in July 1966. Native of Yingcheng county, Hubei Province. Student of the 1985 class of the Radio Engineering Department of Qinghua University. Address No 502, Unit 47, No 1 Mashengmiao, Haidian, Peking. Xiong Yan [3574 8746], male. Born in September 1964. Native of Shuangfeng county, Hunan Province. Graduate student of the Law Department of Peking University. Address Xingziceshui Hospital, Shuangfeng county, Hunan Province. [Video cuts abruptly to full-screen title board reading ''The True Face of a Ringleader of 'Gaozilian'''. No audio is heard. Video then begins a montage showing the activities of Wuer Kaixi, with occasional voice-overs by unidentified announcer] The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 [Begin video montage; Video shows Wuer Kaixi shouting through megaphone, with a large crowd in background. Natural sound is audible, with Wuer heard shouting in Standard Chinese ''I am Wuer Kaixi!''] Wuer Kaixi is a key ringleader of Gaozilian. [Video cuts to new scene of five men standing at the base of the Monument to People's Heroes waving a banner. The date symbol ''4/5'' is visible on the top left-hand corner of screen] To instigate and organise this counter-revolutionary rebellion, he went everywhere to give lectures and organise students to stage hunger strikes and sit-ins and to raise funds for these purposes. [Video rapidly intercuts among medium shots and still pictures showing Wuer Kaixi waving banners, onthe shoulders of several people, and standing in crowds giving lectures. Natural sound of rally and an announcer voice speaking Cantonese are heard. Video then cuts to new clips of Wuer Kaixi amongst others at student demonstrations, hunger strike, and fund raising. Date symbol at upper left reads ''13/5''. The logo ''CNN'' is visible in the lower right-hand corner of the screen] However, Wuer Kaixi himself ate and drank extravagantly at a certain high-class hotel. The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 [Video cuts to very close shot of a television screen, with black-and-white picture showing Wuer Kaixi and six other people seated at a round table, with light tablecloth and several dishes, eating. A two-line caption at bottom of the picture shows the date and time 1855 hours, 29th May 1989. The time read-out is constantly advancing. No sound accompanies the video.] While many unsuspecting students staged sit-ins and hunger strikes at Tiananmen Square, Wuer Kaixi was spending freely and enjoying himself. [Video cuts back to close-up of black-and-white television screen, with no sound, showing Wuer Kaixi and the same group at restaurant, helping themselves to food on the table.] This is the scene of Wuer Kaixi feasting at a certain high-class hotel in Peking. Even at the time when Wuer Kaixi claimed to be taking the lead in staging the hunger strike, he also had meals at a major unit in Peking. [Picture on the black-and-white screen moves slightly left and right, also periodically zooming in on people at the table. Video periodically cuts to new clips of the black-and-white screen showing the group eating, with the time advanced in each new clip. Last time recorded in the caption is 1915 hours, when the group is seen beginning to get up from the table. The black-and-white The British Broadcasting Corporation, June 15, 1989 screen then cuts to medium shot of Wu and the others walking out of the building.] From these video segments of Wuer Kaixi, we can clearly see the true ugly faces of the ringleaders of Gaozilian. [Montage ends with full-screen title board reading ''This film is provided by the Information Service of the Martial Law Command. End video montage.] [Note Xinhua (in English 1232 gmt 13 Jun 89)also carried a shorter version of this report, omitting the section on the activities of student leaders.] LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 44 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Chicago Tribune Company Chicago Tribune June 15, 1989, Thursday, FINAL SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 5; ZONE: M LENGTH: 706 words HEADLINE: 2 reporters expelled in anti-U.S. campaign BYLINE: By Uli Schmetzer and Ronald E. Yates, Chicago Tribune. Tribune wires contributed to this report DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: The Chinese government stepped up its anti-American campaign Wednesday by expelling two U.S. reporters and intensified its drive to discredit the leaders of the democracy movement. Chicago Tribune June 15, 1989 State media broadcasts also claimed 63 more "counterrevolutionary elements" had been caught in the nationwide dragnet for students and workers who demonstrated for democratic reforms. Despite the crackdown and a shrill propaganda campaign aimed at discrediting leaders of the pro-democracy movement, dissident graffiti appeared on public walls in Beijing early Thursday for the first time since the bloody June 4 assault on protesters in Tiananmen Square. "All these things must be answered for" had been scribbled in English on the back of a traffic police box near the square. "Someone should take the lead and speak openly with the Communist Party," said a message scrawled on an overpass. Tiananmen Square was unguarded by tanks Wednesday for the first time in 11 days, but banners supporting the army and wreaths honoring soldiers who died in the military crackdown appeared around Beijing. After publishing a "wanted" list of 21 student leaders earlier this week, state television on Wednesday broadcast photographs of the organizers of the outlawed Independent Workers Union, which fought alongside the students when the military attacked them. Chicago Tribune June 15, 1989 So far, more than 900 people have been arrested in the crackdown, according to official figures. Among the latest to be seized were two student leaders, Zhou Fengsuo, 22, and Xiong Yan, 25. State television said Zhou had been turned in by his sister. Two American reporters, Alan Pessin of the Voice of America and John Pomfret of the Associated Press, were given 72 hours to leave the country. In addition, British television reporter Vernon Mann said in a report smuggled out of China that he had been arrested and was confined to his hotel room in Chengdu. In Washington, the U.S. State Department said it would formally protest the expulsion of the two Americans. The New China news agency alleged that Pomfret had had "frequent contacts with leaders of illegal organizations" and had "obtained state secrets through illegal means." Pessin was charged with "writing stories to distort facts, spread rumor and incite turmoil and counterrevolutionary rebellion." Chicago Tribune June 15, 1989 White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater described the Chinese move as "very alarming," and State Department spokeswoman Margaret Tutwiler rejected the Chinese charges against the two Americans, saying: "They were simply doing their jobs. (They were) fully accredited and possessed the proper Chinese working visas." But Tutwiler added the U.S. did not plan any retaliatory expulsions among the 38 Chinese reporters in Washington and New York. The Bush administration apparently is not prepared to let the expulsions sidetrack efforts to defuse the dispute over dissident Fang Lizhi, who has taken refuge in the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and whose arrest on political charges has been ordered by China. Rumors swept the financial markets Wednesday that China had attacked the U.S. Embassy, but the State Department denied them. Diplomatic sources reported that other embassies, including those of France, Australia and Argentina, also are sheltering dissidents and political figures who had sought refuge after the June 4 massacre. Chicago Tribune June 15, 1989 The government, meanwhile, continued its attempt to rewrite the bloody events of June 4 and 5. Officials insisted no civilians had been killed by soldiers, and busloads of schoolchildren were taken to sites where they were told soldiers had been killed by mobs of angry protesters. At one pedestrian overpass where a dead soldier had been hanged over a railing on June 4, long lines of children in their Young Pioneer uniforms were led past dozens of funeral wreaths. "This is where the brave soldier of the People's Liberation Army was murdered savagely by the counterrevolutionary hooligans," a teacher told the wide-eyed children. In a special report by state-run television, an army colonel, tears streaming down his cheeks, told an astonished audience gathered for a memorial service on the street that his soldiers had been "brutally murdered by crazed mobs." GRAPHIC: PHOTO (color): Agence France-Presse photo. China intensifies anti-democracy drive. Chinese soldiers lead a handcuffed man down a Beijing street Wednesday. State media reported that 63 "counterrevolutionary elements" had been caught in the nationwide dragnet. In addition, two U.S. reporters Chicago Tribune June 15, 1989 were expelled (page 1). LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 45 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The Daily Telegraph plc; The Daily Telegraph June 15, 1989, Thursday SECTION: INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 12 LENGTH: 479 words HEADLINE: Police state style BYLINE: By Our Paris Staff BODY: Mme Edwige Avice, France's junior foreign affairs minister, said yesterday the Chinese were using "all the instruments of an implacable police state". International: Sister betrays Chinese student on wanted list CHINESE POLICE have captured two of the 21 leaders of unofficial student unions wanted on charges of inciting "counter revolution", state-controlled television announced yesterday, writes Graham Hutchings in Peking. One appears to have been turned over to the authorities by members of his own family - a development encouraged in the extended propaganda campaign directed at all those wanted for The Daily Telegraph plc, June 15, 1989 "counter-revolutionary crimes". Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student, was captured in Xian, and Xiong Yan, 25, a law student, was seized on a train in north east China. Announcing the arrests, the television newsreader said: "Just after Tuesday's broadcast of the arrest warrants on television, Zhou's sister and her husband, working in the Xian Air Force Institute, talked it over, then went to tell the authorities all they knew." Five policemen then went to Sanqiao, near Xian, and arrested Zhou. He admitted that he was a student leader. Names, details and photographs of the 21 have been shown repeatedly on television, broadcast on state radio, and published in leading newspapers. They occupied nearly half a page in yesterday's People's Daily. The authorities claim that the 21 on the wanted list are leaders of the Peking University's autonomous Students' Federation. The federation helped organise pro-democracy demonstrations until they were crushed by troops on June 4. The official media continues to report scores of arrests throughout the country as the authorities crack down on leaders of unofficial organisations. Thirty-one people have been arrested in Changsha in south China, 15 in Kunming in the south west, and nine in Lanzhou in the north west, the People's Daily said yesterday. All those arrested had either instigated the strikes, committed thefts or acts of violence, interrupted communications, or harmed social order, the paper said. It also provided a chilling explanation of the unrest in China's cities, using language rarely heard since the disastrous Cultural Revolution of the mid-1960s. "The unrest shows that the class struggle continues to exist to a certain The Daily Telegraph plc, June 15, 1989 extent in our country, and that a very small minority of reactionaries who hate the Communist party have never abandoned their goals," the paper said. Such people "occupy important positions, and had support from overseas reactionaries". Their social basis was made up of "ex-prisoners who had not been sufficiently reformed, remnants of the Gang of Four, and the very dregs of society". The article said such people were trying to stir up trouble, overthrow Marxism and encourage anarchy. "In the face of their attack, we have to strike back". LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 46 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The Financial Times Limited Financial Times June 15, 1989, Thursday SECTION: SECTION I; Overseas News; Pg. 4 LENGTH: 411 words HEADLINE: Chinese Security Forces Arrest Two Student Leaders BYLINE: Steven Butler, Peking BODY: Chinese security forces yesterday arrested two top leaders from the banned Autonomous Student Union after launching a nationwide search for 21 leaders on Tuesday night. An imposed sense of fear gripped Peking as thousands of soldiers armed with assault rifles stood guard throughout the city. Some 16,000 civilians are also now reported assisting troops on patrol. Financial Times, June 15, 1989 Tiananmen Square, the site of pro-democracy protests last month, was cleared of tanks for the first time since the army crushed the protest on June 4 in a hail of bullets. However, a dozen armoured vehicles remained under tarpaulins at the southern end of the square, with the square sealed off by soldiers. All rubble now appears to have been cleared from the streets, where protestors burned over 400 military trucks and armoured vehicles, police cars, and buses after troops opened fire on unarmed citizens. The two arrested students, Zhou Fengsuo, a physics student at Qinghua University and Xiong Yan, a law student at Peking University, were leaders of a student group accused of mounting a counter-revolutionary rebellion, which is how China now described a series of peaceful marches and demonstrations over six weeks. The state-run television reported that Zhou was turned into the police by his older sister in the city of Xian, 750 km south-west of the capital. A series of other arrests were reported throughout the day, including that of a 71-year-old man accused of burning military vehicles. The public security bureau also issued arrest warrants for three leaders of the Autonomous Trade Union. Financial Times, June 15, 1989 The Government yesterday cracked down on the foreign press when it ordered Mr John Pomfret of the Associated Press and Mr Al Pessin of the Voice of America to leave China within 72 hours. Both are accused of "activities incompatible with their status as journalists" and of violating martial law restrictions on press reporting, which make virtually every act of reporting in Peking illegal. The Peking government has launched a vigorous propaganda campaign against the VOA, heard throughout China in both English and Chinese. Mr Vernon Mann, a reporter for Britain's Independent Television News, said yesterday he had been arrested and confined to his hotel room in Chengdu, south-west China, after filming damage caused by student unrest. He said in a report smuggled out of China that he had been interrogated for five hours and had had his passport confiscated. GRAPHIC: Picture Chinese soldiers walk past a queue of about 200 outside the US embassy seeking visas yesterday LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 47 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The Times Mirror Company Los Angeles Times June 15, 1989, Thursday, Home Edition SECTION: Part 1; Page 11; Column 1; Foreign Desk LENGTH: 801 words HEADLINE: TURMOIL IN CHINA: CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT; DREAMS CRUSHED, ONE-TIME FIREBRANDS OF TIAN AN MEN ARE ON THE RUN BYLINE: By DANIEL WILLIAMS, Times Staff Writer DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: They were cocky and restless, full of explosive ideals and recklessness. They thought they would move their world. Now they are fugitives. For a few heady weeks, student leaders from major universities in Beijing and other cities occupied the symbolic heart of Beijing and the minds of Los Angeles Times, June 15, 1989 supporters on Tian An Men Square and opponents behind the walls of Zhongnanhai, China's Kremlin. The weapons in their battle for democratic reform have all but disappeared: No more bullhorns, leaflets or banners carry their message to young followers, a restive public and a foreign audience that marveled at their brashness. Eleven days ago, their images appeared on television at the head of massive crowds of students and common citizens facing down police and soldiers alike. Once, a group of them appeared on the screen jousting verbally with Premier Li Peng, the hard-line Communist leader who promoted a crackdown on the Tian An Men demonstrators. Beginning this week, 21 of their faces appeared on a video version of wanted posters that gave their names, ages, descriptions and even regional accents to make it easier for anyone so inclined to inform on them. The Chinese government identified the 21 as ringleaders in a "counterrevolutionary rebellion." On Wednesday, less than 24 hours after the order had gone out for their apprehension, state-run television said that two of the 21 had been captured. One, engineering student Zhou Fengsuo, was turned in by his own sister and her husband in the central city of Xian, the television said. Los Angeles Times, June 15, 1989 The other arrest was of law student Xiong Yan, one of those who had been seen on television arguing with Premier Li. The fate of the 19 others is not yet known. Classmates of some of them at Beijing campuses say they have gone into hiding. China's huge size works in their favor: There are a lot of places to escape to. But the size and relentless pursuit of the country's well-practiced police apparatus works against them: There are a lot of prying eyes in China. Looking back, it is hard to imagine that the students seemed to feel immune from punishment, that somehow China's traditional reverence for the scholar could shield them from a fate that has befallen so many dissident predecessors this century. Among the 19 still at large, three stand out for their visibility and involvement. Perhaps none was more flamboyant than Wuer Kaixi, a student of education administration at Beijing University. The government has singled out Wuer for special attack. State television showed him eating at a restaurant, which the announcer viewed as a sign of corruption. Los Angeles Times, June 15, 1989 The video is a tribute to the state's pettiness and to the resources it is willing to deploy to show Wuer in a bad light. During the weeks of protest at Tian An Men, Wuer worked up the crowd with sharp rhetoric and an apparent fearlessness. In a typical speech, he exhorted students: "Tomorrow, we will create history. Students, let us march together with our heads held high." Carried on the backs of fellow protesters and holding aloft a red school banner, he led a charge against a group of waiting police. Like many of his colleagues, Wuer, 21, is the offspring of China's bureaucratic elite. His father was a Communist Party member and government translator, and Wuer himself aspired to join the party. In a fateful twist, Wuer advised his fellow students to give up the demonstration in Tian An Men Square on May 22, nearly two weeks before the June 3-4 military assault on the demonstrators in and around the square. For his caution, he was voted out of the leadership of the Independent Assn. of Beijing Universities, an amalgam of student groups collected in the plaza. Los Angeles Times, June 15, 1989 He was replaced by Chai Ling, a fiery woman from Beijing Teachers University, who became leader of the ad hoc Command for the Protection of Tian An Men. Chai, 23, had helped to organize hunger strikes and to urge the students on when it appeared that their numbers were faltering. When she was sworn in as a leader of the command, she vowed: "I will risk my life and invest my wholehearted loyalty to protect Tian An Men Square, to protect our capital Beijing and to protect the People's Republic." Seven days later, Chai, too, would counsel students to leave the square. Inflamed with confidence, they refused. Chai dropped out, citing ill health. Another top leader, history student Wang Dan, also favored ending the Tian An Men demonstration. The slender, bespectacled 24-year-old placed his activism in the perspective of Chinese intellectual history, in which it is considered the responsibility of the educated elite to criticize the government. There are contradictory rumors about his fate: Some say he was killed in the assault on Tian An Men, while others say he is alive and in hiding. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 48 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The New York Times Company The New York Times June 15, 1989, Thursday, Late Edition - Final SECTION: Section A; Page 16, Column 1; Foreign Desk LENGTH: 1406 words HEADLINE: Turmoil in China; Beijing Ousts 2 American Correspondents BYLINE: By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF, Special to The New York Times DATELINE: BEIJING, June 14 BODY: China today ordered the expulsion within 72 hours of two Beijing-based American journalists, including one from the Voice of America. The Government accused the two reporters, Alan W. Pessin of the Voice of America and John E. Pomfret of The Associated Press, of violating martial-law The New York Times, June 15, 1989 regulations in Beijing. China also issued its official version of the ''shocking counterrevolutionary rebellion,'' as the democracy movement is now labeled, and announced new arrests throughout the nation of students and workers who had been leaders of the movement. In Reaction to U.S. Criticism The expulsion order against the two reporters was widely interpreted as an extension of the Government's campaign of criticism against the United States in the last few days. The campaign began after the Bush Administration condemned the violent suppression of the democracy movement and then offered refuge to the dissident Fang Lizhi in the American Embassy in Beijing. Because the Voice of America is an arm of the United States Government, the expulsion of Mr. Pessin is particularly likely to affect relations between Beijing and Washington. It is not clear if the United States will respond by expelling Chinese reporters or by taking other measures. The regulations that the two reporters are accused of violating in effect ban all news coverage about the democracy movement or about the enforcement of The New York Times, June 15, 1989 martial law, as well as almost all interviews. The restrictions are far more sweeping than the censorship that has been imposed on foreign correspondents in other countries, like Israel and South Africa. The authorities had not, however, enforced the regulations very strictly. At least three foreign correspondents were shot or stabbed by soldiers during the crackdown, and others have been detained and then released, but there have been hundreds of foreign journalists covering the events of the last few weeks, and until today only one - a British television journalist in Shanghai who had entered China on a tourist visa - had been expelled. Details of Charges The Government accused Mr. Pessin, who is 33 years old, of violating the censorship restrictions by ''conducting illegal press coverage after martial law was declared'' and by ''writing news stories to distort facts, spread rumor and incite and stir up turmoil and counterrevolutionary rebellion.'' ''I didn't do anything that other foreign journalists didn't do,'' Mr. Pessin said tonight in his office, while surrounded by other journalists and well-wishers. ''As with other foreign journalists, we made every effort to check facts and give balanced reporting.'' The New York Times, June 15, 1989 The official New China News Agency accused Mr. Pomfret of ''having frequent contacts with illegal-organization leaders, passing on information to and providing shelter for them,'' while ''obtaining state secrets through illegal means.'' ''I did my job,'' Mr. Pomfret, 30, said. ''Everything I learned I put on the Associated Press wire.'' Louis D. Boccardi, president and general manager of The Associated Press, said in a statement, ''We deplore and have protested in the strongest terms to the Chinese Government this unwarranted assault on fair and factual reporting.'' Bureaus Wlll Remain Open The Beijing bureaus of both the Voice of America and The Associated Press will continue to function, as the Voice of America has one other accredited correspondent and The Associated Press has two others. While the Chinese have given no assurances, both organizations expect the Government to accredit new correspondents to fill the positions of those expelled. About 40 American journalists are accredited to work in Beijing, and the number has been slowly increasing in recent years. The Americans are the The New York Times, June 15, 1989 largest group of foreign journalists here, followed by the Japanese. Mr. Pomfret was informed of his expulsion at a meeting with Chinese officials that lasted for more than an hour. A brief United States Embassy statement said Mr. Pomfret had been told he had an ''uncooperative attitude'' because he would not provide information about his Chinese contacts. In the last two days, Chinese news organizations have somewhat slackened their denunciations of the Voice of America and of the United States Embassy. Official Denunciation But today, the authoritative Communist Paarty newspaper People's Daily carried a front-page editorial condemning Mr. Fang as a behind-the-scenes instigator of the ''counterrevolutionary rebellion'' and warning that some people in the United States are hostile to China and risk harming relations between the two countries. ''The events in China are entirely China's internal affair,'' the editorial said. ''Any attempt to put pressure on the Chinese Government is foolish and shortsighted, and is doomed to fail. China has always sought to develop its relations with the United States. We hope the United States will consider the The New York Times, June 15, 1989 overall importance of our long-term mutual interests, and stop interfering in China's internal affairs, so as to avoid harming our bilateral relations.'' The television news announced tonight that 2 of the 21 student leaders who had been placed on a wanted list on Tuesday had been captured. It said that Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student in Beijing, had been turned in by his sister and her husband. The television program showed the couple being interviewed by the police. The other student leader who was reported arrested was Xiong Yan, a 24-year-old graduate law student in Beijing. The circumstances of Mr. Xiong's arrest were not reported. The authorities also announced the arrest of 32 people who were arrested at the Beijing rail station while trying to flee the capital. Most were apparently workers who had been involved in the democracy movement. One More Official Reappears The news program also showed one more Politburo member, Yang Rudai, the Sichuan province party leader, which suggested that he may not be purged in the restructuring now under way in the Communist Party leadership. Mr. Yang's The New York Times, June 15, 1989 appearance means that only two Politburo members are unaccounted for: Zhao Ziyang, the national party's General Secretary, and Hu Qili, who supported Mr. Zhao in favoring conciliation with student leaders. If only Mr. Zhao and Mr. Hu are purged from the Politburo, which now has 16 full members and one alternate member, that would be a milder shake-up than was originally feared when Mr. Zhao and Mr. Hu disappeared from view nearly three weeks ago, the day before the declaration of martial law. The detailed account issued today of the events of June 3 and 4, when troops opened fire on civilians and killed hundreds or perhaps thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators and passers-by, recounted events in a way very different than did Western correspondents who were on the scene. The report, issued by the Beijing Communist Party Propaganda Department, suggests that ''a certain small group of people'' had ''plotted to arrest party and state leaders and seize political power.'' Many Dissimilarities Seen It said the group, financed by ''overseas reactionary political forces,'' attacked the army on the night of June 3, killing nearly 100 soldiers and The New York Times, June 15, 1989 policemen and wounding thousands. Only then, after exercising extraordinary restraint, were the troops obliged to fire their weapons, the official history asserts. As a result, it says, about 100 civilians were killed and nearly 1,000 were wounded. While this version of events is sure to be widely circulated in China in the coming weeks, it bears little relationship to the scenes that actually took place on the Avenue of Eternal Peace, or Changan Avenue, and in other parts of Beijing, as witnessed by this reporter and other correspondents. While many civilians did attack and kill soldiers, using clubs, firebombs and their bare hands, the violence did not begin solely with the demonstrators. It began on both sides almost spontaneously when the troops arrived and tried to push their way forward. The troops repeatedly fired their machine guns directly at crowds of demonstrators, including those who posed no threat, including those who were fleeing as fast as they could run. From interviews with doctors and hospital officials, there is no doubt that far more than 100 civilians were shot, stabbed or beaten to death, and that civilian casualties far outweighed military casualties. The New York Times, June 15, 1989 GRAPHIC: Photo of a young man in handcuffs being escorted by soldiers on a street in Beijing (Agence France-Presse) LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 49 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The New York Times Company The New York Times June 15, 1989, Thursday, Late Edition - Final SECTION: Section A; Page 17, Column 5; Foreign Desk LENGTH: 86 words HEADLINE: Turmoil in China; Pronouncing the Names BODY: DENG XIAOPING, senior leader: dung sheeow-ping (sheeow rhymes with meow) FANG LIZHI, dissident: fahng lee-jur (rhymes with burr) HAN XU, Ambassador to the United States: hahn shoo HU QILI, Politburo member: hoo chee-lee The New York Times, June 15, 1989 LI PENG, Prime Minister: lee pung XIONG YAN, student leader -shyoong yen YANG RUDAI, Politburo member: yahng rew-die ZHAO ZIYANG, Communist Party General Secretary: jow (rhymes with how) dzuh-yahng ZHOU FENGSUO, student leader - joe fung-swoh LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 50 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Newsday, Inc. Newsday June 15, 1989, Thursday, CITY EDITION SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 7 Other Edition: Nassau and Suffolk Pg. 5 LENGTH: 1002 words HEADLINE: China Expels 2 Journalists; Reporters accused of violating martial law BYLINE: By William Sexton and Jeff Sommer. Newsday Staff Correspondents DATELINE: Beijing BODY: The Chinese government, unsuccessful in its efforts to jam Voice of America broadcasts, yesterday ordered VOA bureau chief Alan Pessin out of the country. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 A second expulsion order was handed to Associated Press correspondent John Pomfret, who had closely covered the now-outlawed student democracy movement in dispatches published abroad. The expulsion orders were announced on the government television network's evening newscast along with a report that two of 21 student leaders on a nationwide "most wanted" list had been apprehended by authorities. Three new names were added, the alleged leaders of an underground free labor union in the Beijing area. In other incidents involving journalists, British television reporter Vernon Mann said yesterday he was arrested and confined to his hotel room in Chengdu, southwest China, after filming damage caused by student unrest. In Beijing, soldiers yesterday detained Denis Hiault, Beijing bureau chief of Agence-France Press, for an hour and confiscated his residence card. Hiault was accused of photographing troops, the French news agency said. Pomfret and Pessin were accused of "illegal news-gathering activities" under Beijing's martial law regulations and given 72 hours to leave. Pessin also was forced to hand over the audio tape he had made of a municipal official reading out the accusations against the Voice of America's China coverage and his own rebuttal of them. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 According to Pessin's notes of the interview, the official charged Pessin with "distorting facts, spreading rumors [and] instigating turmoil and counterrevolutionary rebellion." Replied Pessin: "The only motive that we have is to tell the truth as best we can, and governments do not always like that." The expulsion of Pessin left the VOA temporarily without an accredited reporter here. Pessin said he expected to continue his reporting on China from Hong Kong until a replacement can be accredited in Beijing. Several freelance journalists work for the VOA in China. The AP has three other accredited staff members in Beijing. Beijing' government-controlled media have been on an anti-American offensive ever since the revelation last week that Fang Lizhi, China's best-known human rights activist, had been given refuge in the U.S. Embassy here. Chinese efforts to jam VOA broadcasts into the country started with the declaration of martial law in the capital May 20. The American programs, beamed in both Chinese and English from transmitters in the Philippines, continued to get through to many areas and could be picked up throughout the country on foreign-made shortwave radios, which carry a broader range of frequencies than (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 those commonly available in China. Many Chinese citizens have said in recent weeks that they depend on the VOA for news that is suppressed in the Chinese media. The VOA also began transmitting its audio signal on TV channels beamed from satellites over the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and it could be picked up by satellite dishes at government and military facilities. Unable to block the signal, paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's regime last week launched the new tactic of vilifying the American newscasts in all government-controlled media. Beijing Daily, the official organ of the capital's hard-line municipal leadership, published a lengthy commentary blaming VOA broadcasts for exaggerating the turmoil in China out of "ulterior motives." Pessin said he wasn't surprised when the summons came at midday yesterday to report to the city's foreign affairs office. "The story here is far from over and I'm certainly disappointed I can't be here to cover it," Pessin said. "But I can't say I'm surprised." Pessin, 33, had been stationed in Beijing since July, 1987. Previous assignments in his 12 years with VOA included Hong Kong, Islamabad, Washington and New York. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater said in Washington the government would file protests with Chinese officials in Washington and in Beijing. In Washington, VOA director Richard W. Carlson said he believed the expulsion was based not on Pessin's reporting but on his audience. "The Voice of America is the most listened to outside radio station and does have a considerable influence," Carlson said. Louis D. Boccardi, president and general manager of the AP, said in New York that he "protested in the strongest terms to the Chinese government this unwarranted assault on fair and factual reporting." Pomfret, 30, who joined the AP in 1986 and was assigned to the Beijing bureau last year, attended Beijing University in 1980-82. He speaks Chinese fluently and is known among fellow reporters for his excellent sources within the student movement. Journalists believed Pomfret's expulsion was a warning to the rest of the press corps to obey the martial law regulations banning unauthorized contact with Chinese citizens. Until yesterday, the government had not seriously enforced the measures. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 Meanwhile, state broadcasting announced yesterday that authorities already have arrested two of the 21 student pro-democracy leaders whose "wanted posters" were flashed across Chinese television screens only a day earlier. A television announcer said that Xiong Yan, 25, a law student at Beijing University, was arrested on a train in northeast China. The announcer said that the sister and brother-in-law of Zhou Fengsuo, 22, a physics student at Qinghua University, turned him over to authorities near the city of Xian Tuesday night. Chinese citizens have been asked to inform on all suspected "counterrevolutionaries." The U.S. Embassy in Beijing expected a stampede at its visa office yesterday following the announcement that it would resume granting non-immigrant visas to Chinese for short stays in the United States but no stampede developed, apparently because many Chinese were watched closely by plainclothes police officers. About 200 people gathered outside the office, opened for the first time since the military crackdown began. GRAPHIC: 1) AP Photo-The Forbidden City, Beijing's most famous site, reopened to tourists yesterday. 2) Photos-Alan Pessin. 3) John Pomfret (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 51 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Newsday, Inc. Newsday June 15, 1989, Thursday, NASSAU AND SUFFOLK EDITION Correction Appended SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 5 Other Edition: City Pg. 7 LENGTH: 1012 words HEADLINE: 2 U.S. Reporters Expelled; 2 of 'Most Wanted' Nabbed BYLINE: By William Sexton and Jeff Sommer. Newsday Staff Correspondents. Newsday Washington Bureau Correspondent Marie Cocco contributed to this story. DATELINE: Beijing BODY: The Chinese government, unsuccessful in its efforts to jam Voice of America broadcasts, yesterday ordered VOA bureau chief Alan Pessin out of the country. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 A second expulsion order was handed to Associated Press correspondent John Pomfret, who had closely covered the now-outlawed student democracy movement in dispatches published abroad. The expulsion orders were announced on the government network's evening newscast along with a report that two of 21 student leaders on a nationwide "most wanted" list had been apprehended by authorities. Three new names were added to the list, the alleged leaders of an underground free labor union in the Beijing area. Pomfret and Pessin were accused of "illegal news-gathering activities" under Beijing's martial law regulations and given 72 hours to leave. Pessin also was forced to hand over the audio tape he had made of a municipal official reading the accusations against VOA's China coverage and his own rebuttal. According to Pessin, the official charged him with "distorting facts, spreading rumors [and] instigating turmoil and counterrevolutionary rebellion." Replied Pessin: "As is well known to our tens of millions of listeners in China and around the world, the VOA does not report rumors. We report the best, most accurate, the fairest and best balanced news that we possibly can. The only motive that we have is to tell the truth as best we can, and governments do (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 not always like that." The AP said Pomfret was accused of "using illegal methods to obtain state secrets" and "protecting leaders of student groups and exchanging information with them." The expulsion of Pessin left the VOA temporarily without an accredited reporter here because Pessin's assistant, Heidi Chay, is on vacation. Pessin said he expected to continue his reporting on China from Hong Kong until a replacement can be accredited in Beijing. Several freelance journalists work for the VOA in China. The AP has three other accredited staff members in Beijing. Chinese efforts to jam VOA broadcasts into the country started with the declaration of martial law in the capital May 20. The American programs, beamed in both Chinese and English from transmitters in the Philippines, continued to get through to many areas and could be picked up throughout the country on foreign-made shortwave radios, which carry a broader range of frequencies than those commonly available in China. Many Chinese citizens have said in recent weeks that they depend on the VOA for news that is suppressed in the Chinese media. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 The VOA also began transmitting its audio signal on TV channels beamed from satellites, and it could be picked up by satellite dishes at government and military facilities. Unable to block the signal, paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's regime launched the new tactic of vilifying the American newscasts in all government-controlled media. Beijing Daily, the official organ of the capital's hard-line municipal leadership, Sunday published a lengthy commentary blaming VOA broadcasts for exaggerating the turmoil in China out of "ulterior motives." Pessin, 33, who had been stationed in Beijing since July, 1987, said he wasn't surprised by the expulsion order. In Washington, the State Department called in Chinese Ambassador Hun Xu for a 15-minute meeting with Undersecretary of State Robert Kimmet. Kimmet, the department said, "vigorously protested the expulsion of the U.S. journalists." State Department spokeswoman Margaret Tutwiler said U.S. officials also planned to lodge a protest with Chinese officials in Beijing this morning. But she said that the United States did not plan to expel any Chinese journalists in retaliation. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 A White House official, who asked not to be identified, said the administration believes such a move would be counterproductive, and could unfairly penalize Chinese journalists, many of whom support the pro-democracy movement. "If what you're trying to achieve is to have a healthy flow of information to and from the Chinese people, expelling journalists who are reporting here in the U.S. doesn't help that process," the official said. In Washington, VOA director Richard W. Carlson said he believed the expulsion was based not on Pessin's reporting but on his audience. "The Voice of America is the most listened to outside radio station and does have a considerable influence," Carlson said. "They clearly don't like the fact that we have credibility and the Chinese media do not." Louis D. Boccardi, president and general manager of the AP, said in New York that he "protested in the strongest terms to the Chinese government this unwarranted assault on fair and factual reporting." Journalists said they believed that the expulsion of Pomfret, 30, who was assigned to the Beijing bureau last year, was a warning to the rest of the press corps to obey the martial law regulations banning unauthorized contact with (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 Chinese citizens. Until yesterday, the government had not seriously enforced the measures. In other incidents involving journalists, British television reporter Vernon Mann said yesterday he was arrested and confined to his hotel room in Chengdu, southwest China, after filming damage caused by student unrest. In Beijing, soldiers yesterday detained Denis Hiault, Beijing bureau chief of Agence-France Press, for an hour and confiscated his residence card. Hiault was accused of photographing troops, the French news agency said. Meanwhile, state broadcasting announced yesterday that authorities already have arrested two of the 21 student pro-democracy leaders whose "wanted posters" were flashed across Chinese television screens only a day earlier. A television announcer said that Xiong Yan, 25, a law student at Beijing University, was arrested on a train in northeast China. The announcer said that the sister and brother-in-law of Zhou Fengsuo, 22, a physics student at Qinghua University, turned him over to authorities near the city of Xian Tuesday night. Chinese citizens have been asked to inform on all suspected "counterrevolutionaries." (c) 1989 Newsday, June 15, 1989 CORRECTION-DATE: June 16, 1989, Friday, NASSAU AND SUFFOLK EDITION CORRECTION: In yesterday's Newsday, the name of the Chinese ambassador in Washington was misspelled. It is Han Xu. GRAPHIC: 1) AP Photo-(Alan) Pessin, left, and (John) Pomfret pose near China map at VOA's Beijing office. 2) Reuter Photo-A Chinese guard examines visa applications yesterday at the American Embassy in Beijing. 3) Reuter Photo-Premier Li Peng, center, meets in Beijing with other Chinese leaders LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 52 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Bergen Record Corp. The Record June 15, 1989; THURSDAY SECTION: NEWS; Four Star B ALSO IN Four Star P, Three Star; Pg. A14 LENGTH: 540 words HEADLINE: CHINA OUSTS TWO U.S. REPORTERS SOURCE: Wire services BYLINE: Uli Schmetzer and Ronald E. Yates, Special from the Chicago Tribune DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: The Chinese government Wednesday stepped up its anti-American, campaign by expelling two U.S. reporters, and intensified its drive to discredit the leaders of the democracy movement. The Record, June 15, 1989 State media broadcasts also claimed that 63 more "counterrevolutionary elements" had been caught in the nationwide dragnet for students and workers who demonstrated for democratic reforms. Despite the crackdown and a shrill propaganda campaign aimed at discrediting leaders of the pro-democracy movement, dissident graffiti appeared on public walls in Beijing early Thursday for the first time since the bloody June 4 assault on protesters in Tienanman Square. "All these things must be answered for" was scribbled in English on the back of a traffic police box near the square. "Someone should take the lead and speak openly with the Communist Party," said a message scrawled on an overpass. On Wednesday, for the first time in 11 days, Tiananmen Square was not guarded by tanks. But banners supporting the army and wreaths honoring soldiers who died in the military crackdown appeared around Beijing. The Record, June 15, 1989 After publishing a "wanted" list of 21 student leaders earlier this week, state television Wednesday broadcast photographs of the organizers of the outlawed Independent Workers Union, which fought alongside the students when the military attacked them. So far, more than 900 people have been arrested in the crackdown, according to official figures. Among the latest to be seized were two student leaders, Zhou Fengsuo, 22, and Xiong Yan, 25. State television said Zhou had been turned in by his sister. Two American reporters, Alan Pessin of the Voice of America and John Pomfret of The Associated Press, were given 72 hours to leave the country. In addition, British television reporter Vernon Mann said in a report smuggled out of China that he had been arrested, and was confined to his hotel room in Chengdu. In Washington, the U.S. State Department said it would formally protest the expulsion of the two Americans. The New China news agency claimed that Pomfret had had "frequent contacts with leaders of illegal organizations" and had "obtained state secrets through illegal means." The Record, June 15, 1989 Pessin was charged with "writing stories to distort facts, spread rumor, and incite turmoil and counterrevolutionary rebellion." State Department spokeswoman Margaret Tutwiler rejected the Chinese charges against the two Americans, saying: "They were simply doing their jobs. They were fully accredited, and possessed the proper Chinese working visas." Tutwiler said the United States did not plan any retaliatory expulsions among the 38 Chinese reporters in Washington and New York. The Bush administration apparently is not prepared to let the expulsions sidetrack efforts to defuse the dispute over dissident Fang Lizhi, who has taken refuge in the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and whose arrest on political charges has been ordered by China. Diplomatic sources reported that other embassies, including those of France, Australia, and Argentina, are also sheltering dissidents and political figures who had sought refuge after the June 4 massacre. LANGUAGE: English The Record, June 15, 1989 LOAD-DATE: April 23, 1996 LEVEL 1 - 53 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Inc. St. Louis Post-Dispatch June 15, 1989, THURSDAY, FIVE STAR Edition SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 1A LENGTH: 1320 words HEADLINE: MORE CHINESE ARRESTED; U.S. REPORTERS EXPELLED SOURCE: Compiled From News Services BODY: BEIJING - The Chinese government has arrested more student leaders and supporters of the pro-democracy movement, and it warned the United States on Wednesday to refrain from what it called interference in China's internal affairs. China also issued orders to expel two American reporters - John Pomfret of The Associated Press and Alan Pessin of the Voice of America - for what it called violations of martial-law regulations, which ban most news gathering. State-run television announced the arrests of two of 21 student leaders who were listed Tuesday in a wanted lis t. The television station also St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 15, 1989 issued a new circular calling for the arrest of three leaders of an independent labor union. Dozens of people nationwide were shown being led into police stations, some with their arms wrenched in the air in a posture the Chinese call ''the airplane position.'' While the mass arrests continued, the Chinese army reduced its presence in Beijing. No tanks were in Tiananmen Square for the first time since the army began cracking down on the democracy movement 11 days ago. Authorities ordered Pomfret and Pessin to leave China within 72 hours. The order against Pessin followed a barrage of criticism by the Chinese state press denouncing Voice Of America as a rumormonger. Pomfret was accused of having contacts with student leaders and of obtaining unspecified state secrets. Also Wednesday, a British television reporter said that he had been arrested and confined to his hotel room in Chengdu after filming damage caused by student unrest. The reporter, Vernon Mann of Independent Television News, said in a report smuggled out of China that he had been arrested and interrogated for five hours and that his passport had been confiscated. He compiled his report from his hotel room, where security police had told him to remain and ''await punishment.'' He was told that his passport eventually would be returned and that it would be best for him to leave the country. Soldiers also detained Denis Hiault, Beijing bureau chief of Agence France-Presse, and confiscated his residence card on Wednesday. Hiault was accused of photographing soldiers. Pomfret said he had been accused of protecting Wu'er Kaixi, one of the leading student activists in hiding. Chinese authorities have charged Wu'er with St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 15, 1989 counterrevolutionary activities. Pomfret has worked for the AP since 1986 and has been based in Beijing since last year. He wrote a profile of Wu'er before the martial-law crackdown and interviewed him several times during the demonstrations. ''I did my job as a journalist, and I worked hard,'' said Pomfret. ''It's a shame that these are the results I get.'' In New York, Louis D. Boccardi, president and general manager of the AP, said that he had ''protested in the strongest terms to the Chinese government this unwarranted assault on fair and factual reporting.'' In Washington, Chinese Ambassador Han Xu was summoned to the State Department and issued a formal protest of the expulsion order. Richard Carlson, director of the Voice of America, called the expulsion ''a step backward for the media in China, which over the past couple of years has demonstrated some steps forward.'' The expulsion orders appeared to be part of China's campaign against the United States for sheltering Fang Lizhi, a leading dissident, and his wife at the U.S. Embassy after soldiers opened up on demonstrators June 3-4. The shooting ended seven weeks of demonstrations by students and their supporters for a freer society. More than 1,000 people have been arrested since the crackdown began. The Communist Party newspaper, the People's Daily, said in a front-page editorial: ''What kind of people these so-called 'democracy fighters' are and the role that some Americans played is now all too clear. ''We hope the U.S. side will emphasize the overall situation of Chinese-American relations . . . stop interfering in China's internal affairs and not do anything to hurt bilateral relations.'' Another People's Daily St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 15, 1989 commentary said events showed that ''class struggle'' continued in China. Television reports said two student leaders had been arrested. Identified as Zhou Fengsuo and Xiong Yan, the two were among 21 leaders who were accused of ''inciting and organizing counterrevolutionary rebellion'' and whose names and pictures were flashed repeatedly on television Tuesday. The reports said Zhou had been turned in by his sister and her husband, who works at an air force academy in Xian. Zhou, 22, was a physics student at Qinhua University in Beijing. No details were given of the arrest of Xiong, 24, a graduate student of law at Beijing University. The television report also said that Fang Ke, a Beijing student leader not on the circular, had turned himself in to police in the central city of Wuhan. A leader of an independent worker union set up to support the students was arrested after fleeing to the nearby province of Hebei, the report said. Beijing Radio said 32 protesters had been arrested at the railway station as they tried to flee Beijing. Meanwhile, dozens of tanks that had been in Tiananmen Square disappeared overnight, and 20 remaining armored personnel carriers were covered with tarps. The U.S. State Department announced Tuesday that it would begin granting non-immigrant visas to Chinese for short stays in the United States. LANGUAGE: English St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 15, 1989 LOAD-DATE: October 22, 1993 LEVEL 1 - 54 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Inc. St. Louis Post-Dispatch June 15, 1989, THURSDAY, THREE STAR Edition SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 1A LENGTH: 1200 words HEADLINE: MORE CHINESE ARRESTED; U.S. REPORTERS EXPELLED SOURCE: Compiled From News Services BODY: BEIJING - The Chinese government has arrested more student leaders and supporters of the pro-democracy movement, and it warned the United States on Wednesday to refrain from what it called interference in China's internal affairs. It also issued orders to expel two American reporters - John Pomfret of The Associated Press and Alan Pessin of the Voice of America - for what it called violations of martial-law regulations that ban most news gathering. State-run television announced the arrests of two of 21 student leaders named Tuesday in a wanted list. It also issued a new circular calling for the arrest St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 15, 1989 of three leaders of an independent labor union. Dozens of people nationwide were shown being led into police stations, some with their arms wrenched in the air in a posture the Chinese call ''the airplane position.'' While the mass arrests continued, the Chinese army reduced its presence in Beijing. No tanks were in Tiananmen Square for the first time since the army began cracking down on the democracy movement 11 days ago. Authorities ordered Pomfret and Pessin to leave China within 72 hours. The order against Pessin followed a barrage of criticism by the Chinese state press denouncing Voice Of America as a rumormonger. Pomfret was accused of having contacts with student leaders and of obtaining unspecified state secrets. In New York, Louis D. Boccardi, president and general manager of the AP, said that he had ''protested in the strongest terms to the Chinese government this unwarranted assault on fair and factual reporting.'' In Washington, Chinese Ambassador Hun Xu was summoned to the State Department and issued a formal protest of the expulsion order. Richard Carlson, VOA director, called the expulsion ''a step backward for the media in China, which over the past couple of years has demonstrated some steps forward.'' The expulsion orders appeared to be part of China's campaign against the United States for sheltering Fang Lizhi, a leading dissident, and his wife at the U.S. Embassy after soldiers opened up on demonstrators June 3-4. The shooting ended seven weeks of demonstrations by students and their supporters for a freer society. More than 1,000 people have been arrested since the crackdown began. The Communist Party newspaper, the People's Daily, said in a front-page ed St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 15, 1989 itorial: ''What kind of people these so-called 'democracy fighters' are and the role that some Americans played is now all too clear. ''We hope the U.S. side will emphasize the overall situation of Chinese-American relations . . . stop interfering in China's internal affairs and not do anything to hurt bilateral relations.'' Another People's Daily commentary said events showed that ''class struggle'' continued in China. Also Wednesday, a British television reporter said that he had been arrested and confined to his hotel room in Chengdu after filming damage caused by student unrest. The reporter, Vernon Mann of Independent Television News, said in a report smuggled out of China that he had been arrested and interrogated for five hours and that his passport had been confiscated. He compiled his report from his hotel room, where security police had told him to remain and ''await punishment.'' He was told that his passport eventually would be returned and that it would be best for him to leave the country. Television reports said two student leaders had been arrested. Identified as Zhou Fengsuo and Xiong Yan, the two were among 21 leaders accused of ''inciting and organizing counterrevolutionary rebellion'' whose names and pictures were flashed repeatedly on television Tuesday. The reports said Zhou had been turned in by his sister and her husband, who works at an air force academy in Xian. Zhou, 22, was a physics student at Qinhua University in Beijing. No details were given of the arrest of Xiong, 24, a graduate student of law at Beijing University. The television report also said that Fang Ke, a Beijing student leader not on the circular, had turned himself in to police in St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 15, 1989 the central city of Wuhan. A leader of an independent worker union set up to support the students was arrested after fleeing to nearby Hebei province, the report said. Beijing Radio said 32 protesters had been arrested at the railway station as they tried to flee Beijing. Meanwhile, dozens of tanks that had been in Tiananmen Square disappeared overnight, and 20 remaining armored personnel carriers were covered with tarps. Despite the stream of news describing the widening political crackdown and bitter attacks on the United States, authorities made parallel efforts to reassure foreigners that the country was safe for business and tourism. State television showed Geology and Mineral Resources Minister Zhu Xun thanking six American advisers at his ministry who had stayed on despite the turmoil of the past three weeks. ''Our government is stable,'' he told them. ''Please, everyone relax.'' LANGUAGE: English LOAD-DATE: October 22, 1993 LEVEL 1 - 55 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 U.P.I. June 15, 1989, Thursday, BC cycle SECTION: International LENGTH: 897 words HEADLINE: U.S. to protest expulsions of two American journalists BYLINE: By DAVID R. SCHWEISBERG DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: China accused the United States of violating Chinese sovereignty by harboring a leading dissident and Washington said it would protest the expulsions of two American journalists, but it had no immediate plans to retaliate against Chinese reporters. A nationwide hunt for pro-democracy activists netted at least 63 new arrests, state-run television said Wednesday, while state radio early Thursday reported United Press International June 15, 1989, Thursday, BC cycle the first signs of continued armed resistance to the military crackdown in the capital. The radio said snipers fired two gunshots Tuesday from a building in the northwest university district, and vandals burned a bus in an area south of Tiananmen Square in before dawn on the same day. The arrests Wednesday raised to more than 900 the number of people swept up since the army's brutal June 3-5 suppression of student-led protesters in Beijing. The television said the detainees included two men whose names were included in a most-wanted list of 21 student leaders of the democracy demonstrations, the largest outpouring of anti-government sentiment in nearly 40 years of communist rule. One of the pair reportedly was turned in by his sister. The arrests of Zhou Fengsuo, 22, a Qinghua University physics major, and Xiong Yan, 25, a Beijing University law student, were made within hours of the Tuesday night broadcast of the list, the television said Wednesday. The government had claimed 300 people, including 100 soldiers, died in the Chinese army's bloody crackdown June 3-5 on the protesters but Wednesday, the United Press International June 15, 1989, Thursday, BC cycle official death toll was reduced to about 200. A Japanese official said a Chinese Red Cross source put the death toll at 2,600. In a new move to unearth fugitive dissidents, the television issued a wanted notice for three leaders of an outlawed independent workers union, flashing their mug shots and short biographies across China and ordering border police to ensure they do not flee the country. Despite the terror generated in Beijing by the sweep and the grip of military rule, tiny sprouts of defiance blossomed. Black grafitti inscriptions on an overpass road read: ''Someone should take the lead and speak openly with the (Communist) party'' and ''What can we do? The government is unreasonable.'' Near central Tiananmen Square, a slogan written in English on the back of a traffic police box said, ''All these things must be answered for.'' The harboring by the U.S. Embassy of China's leading dissident, astrophysicist Fang Lizhi, and his wife, Li Shuxian, brought the toughest anti-American blast from China. United Press International June 15, 1989, Thursday, BC cycle ''The American Embassy's offer of protection to Fang and Li is an invasion of Chinese sovereignty,'' said the People's Daily, official organ of the Communist Party. ''It is a violation of international law.'' The United States has refused to surrender Fang and Li, wanted on charges of ''counterrevolutionary'' crimes, which are tantamount to treason and punishable by death. The U.S. decision to harbor the pair fueled a diplomatic row with China first fired by President Bush's suspension of military sales contracts to protest the bloody suppression of the student-led democracy movement. Fang and his wife sought refuge in the U.S. Embassy after the government blamed them for an uprising by tens of thousands of Beijing residents against armor-backed troops who ruthlessly enforced martial law and ended a peaceful 22-day occupation of Tiananmen Square by pro-democracy protesters. The dispute with the United States was further heightened Wednesday when authorities summoned the Beijing bureau chief of the Voice of America and a Beijing-based correspondent for The Associated Press and ordered them to leave China within 72 hours. United Press International June 15, 1989, Thursday, BC cycle VOA's Alan W. Pessin, 33, and the AP's John Pomfret, 30, were accused of violating rigid restrictions imposed on news coverage of pro-democracy demonstrations when martial law was declared May 20. Pomfret, of New York City, was accused of ''having frequent contacts with illegal organization leaders, passing on information to and providing shelter for them'' and ''obtaining state secrets through illegal means,'' said the official Xinhua News Agency. Pessin was charged with ''writing stories to distort facts, spread rumor and incite and stir up turmoil and counterrevolutionary rebellion.'' White House press secretary Marlin Fitzwater said the United States will file a formal protest with the Chinese government to protest the expulsions which Washington viewed with ''great concern.'' ''We believe ... the harassment of journalists trying to do their jobs and attempts to jam the Voice of America will not succeed in keeping the truth of what is going on in China from being heard around the world,'' Fitzwater said. Fitzwater refused to say what other moves were being considered, and at the State Department, officials said there was no plan to take similar action United Press International June 15, 1989, Thursday, BC cycle against Chinese reporters in the United States. There are 25 Chinese reporters in Washington representing 10 news organizations and 13 others in New York representing four agencies. The government has mounted a vicious smear campaign in recent days against VOA, the U.S. government's global radio network, accusing it of distorting coverage of the unrest in China. Short-wave broadcasts by VOA and the British Broadcasting Corp. provide most Chinese with their sole source of uncensored news. GRAPHIC: PICTURE LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 56 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The Times Mirror Company Los Angeles Times June 14, 1989, Wednesday, Home Edition SECTION: Part 1; Page 1; Column 5; Foreign Desk LENGTH: 1479 words HEADLINE: CHINA HUNTS FOR STUDENT LEADERS; PREMIER WARNS OF MORE STEPS TO RESTORE ORDER, QUASH REBELS BYLINE: By DAVID HOLLEY, Times Staff Writer DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: China's police put a net out for 21 pro-democracy student leaders Tuesday while the hard-line winners in the recent government power struggle promised further blows against their opponents. Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 Early today, state-run television announced the arrest of two of the 21 "counterrevolutionaries." The others are believed to be still in hiding. The student leaders are accused of "inciting and organizing counterrevolutionary rebellion," television reports said. Photographs and brief descriptions of each student were broadcast in the manner of a most-wanted list. "Wang Dan. Male. 24 years old. Beijing University history department student. Height: about 173 centimeters. Pointed chin. Thin hair. Cavity in a front tooth. Thin. Wears glasses for nearsightedness. Speaks with a local Beijing accent," ran the first description on the list. "Wuer Kaixi. Male. Born Feb. 17, 1968. Uighur minority from Xinjiang Autonomous Region. Beijing Teachers University education department student. Height: 174 centimeters. Big eyes. Thick lips. Fair skin. Often wears green military pants," said the next. 2 Most Prominent Leaders Wang and Wuer were the two most prominent leaders of the pro-democracy protests. Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 One arrested student, according to the television report, was Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics major at Qinghua University. He was detained in the central city of Xian, the report said, and had been turned in by his sister and her husband, who works at an air force academy. The other person arrested, according to the report, was Xiong Yan, 25, a student in the Beijing University law department. No further details were available. Premier Li Peng, who issued the order for martial law that culminated with the June 4 massacre of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of citizens as the army shot its way into Beijing, delivered a hard-line speech Tuesday in which he praised the soldiers and said that further steps will be taken "to restore order and strike relentless blows at the counterrevolutionary rebels." Li also warned foreign countries against criticizing China. His remarks were directed in part at the United States, which has provided refuge in the U.S. Embassy in Beijing to China's most prominent pro-democracy activist, astrophysicist Fang Lizhi, and his wife, Li Shuxian. Chinese authorities issued warrants last weekend for their arrest. Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 "While we are putting down the counterrevolutionary rebellion, a small number of nations . . . have taken the opportunity to spread all kinds of rumors, stir up anti-China sentiments, and put pressure on us," Li declared in his speech, parts of which were broadcast on the evening television news. "We must warn them sternly: The Chinese people . . . will not yield to this kind of pressure." Politburo Standing Committee member Qiao Shi, who appears to have emerged as acting head of the Communist Party in place of the reformist General Secretary Zhao Ziyang, also appeared on television Tuesday with a warm endorsement of the army's actions. In a statement implying that further actions against dissent are still to come, Qiao told martial-law troops that "we hope the counterrevolutionary rebellion can be put down quickly and thoroughly in the capital, and that good social order can soon be restored." Qiao's comments appeared to indicate plans for additional arrests and a further heightening of political controls. The mood on the streets of Beijing is sullen, with armed troops posted at major intersections. Some people have not yet returned to work following a week of street violence during which martial-law troops sometimes fired at Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 pedestrians virtually at random. But there are no more demonstrations to be suppressed. The government contends that only about 300 people, most of them soldiers, died during the June 3-4 army move into downtown Beijing. An estimate of 3,000 deaths has circulated widely in diplomatic circles, based partly on a Chinese Red Cross report, later repudiated, that 2,600 had died. Confirmed deaths based on hospital body counts and reports by Western witnesses have been placed at 400 to 700 by various news organizations. The true death toll may never be proven. The student protesters, who staged pro-democracy demonstrations in central Beijing's Tian An Men Square for seven weeks before the bloody crackdown, had originally been described by the government as misguided but "patriotic." Before the army assault and General Secretary Zhao's fall from power, the government had promised that there would be no retaliation against them. But Tuesday evening, national television repeatedly broadcast the stark descriptions of student leaders, together with photographs. "After receiving this arrest warrant, police in every province and region on railways, airlines, highways and border posts must immediately deploy units to arrest them and stop them from escaping the country," the Ministry of Public Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 Security announcement said. Footage of Wuer leading demonstrations was also shown repeatedly, together with a videotape from a hidden camera that showed Wuer and friends dining at what was described as "a high-class hotel" during late May. "Wuer Kaixi is one of the big heads of the organization," the announcer said. "He spoke all over to fan the flames of the movement. . . . From this, we can clearly see the ugly face of the student union leaders." In his speech, delivered to top government and Communist Party leaders, Premier Li declared that "if we hadn't imposed martial law and called in the troops, the entire country could have fallen into a counterrevolutionary rebellion that could not have been suppressed." Li said that China will continue its policy of openness to the outside world and warned foreign governments not to retaliate against China for its actions in suppressing dissent. "We hope that all countries that wish to keep and develop friendly relations with China will take a long-term view," he said. Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 In an indication of plans for a new ideological campaign, Li added that the "counterrevolutionary rebellion" had occurred in part because "we did not pay adequate attention to spiritual civilization and ideological and political work." "We must take steps to correct this," Li said. Li's comments pointed to the existence not only of deep conflict between the government and its critics, but also sharp disagreement within the Communist Party itself -- especially within the party's propaganda organs. "Because of mistakes in the guidance of media work by a small number of comrades in the central leadership who departed from the stand of the Communist Party, some media organizations, in the work of suppressing this rebellion, have given incorrect guidance to public opinion," Li said. Li blamed this situation on "the free spread of bourgeois liberalization" -- a code word for Western concepts of democracy and civil liberties. "We earnestly demand," Li said, "that the media immediately adopt the viewpoint of the party and the people, redouble efforts to propagate the central leadership's policies, take another step in exposing the crimes of the Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 counterrevolutionary rebels, encourage the people's fighting spirit and make a proper contribution to thoroughly putting down this counterrevolutionary rebellion." There are already indications of an impending crackdown at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, a government-run research institute that has been closely associated with Zhao and reformist thinking in general. Troops and army trucks have been visible in the academy parking lot for several days. An intellectual familiar with the situation at the institute said Tuesday that troops have been searching offices of scholars in the fields of world economics, politics, philosophy and Marxism, Leninism and Mao Tse-tung Thought. The other leaders targeted for arrest are: Liu Gang, 28, Beijing University physics department; Chai Ling, 23, Beijing Teachers University psychology department; Zhai Weimin, 21, Beijing Institute of Economics; Liang Qingtun, 20, Beijing Teachers University psychology department; Wang Zhengyun, 21, Central Institute for Nationalities. Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1989 Zheng Xuguang, 20, Beijing Space and Aeronautics University; Ma Shaofang, 25, Beijing Film Academy; Yang Tao, 19, Beijing University history department; Wang Zhixin, 22, China University of Political Science and Law; Feng Congde, 22, Beijing University Institute of Remote Sensing; Wang Chaohua, 37, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences graduate student. Wang Youcai, 23, Beijing University physics department; Zhang Zhiqing, 25, China University of Political Science and Law; Zhang Boli, 26, Beijing University; Li Lu, 20, Nanjing University; Zhang Ming, 24, Qinghua University automobile engineering department; Xiong Wei, 23, Qinghua University. FASTER VISAS -- U.S. to speed process for Chinese who want to flee. Page 10 GRAPHIC: Photo, One of the 21 wanted posters shown on Chinese television. ; Photo, (Southland Edition) A wall of military hardware forms a backdrop for bicyclists near Beijing's Tian An Men Square. Associated Press LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 57 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Newsday, Inc. Newsday June 14, 1989, Wednesday, HOME EDITION SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 5 Other Edition: Nassau and Suffolk Pg. 5, City Pg. 7, City Home Pg. 7 LENGTH: 1171 words HEADLINE: China Targets 21 Wanted Students BYLINE: By Jeff Sommer. Newsday Foreign Editor DATELINE: Beijing BODY: State-run broadcasting flashed "wanted posters" of 21 top student leaders across China's television screens last night, heightening the campaign of terror against the shattered pro-democracy movement. Today, two of the leaders were arrested, national television reported. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 14, 1989 Wuer Kaixi, Wang Dan and Chai Ling, heads of the student movement who spoke frequently with western reporters before the military cleared Tiananmen Square of protesters on June 3 and 4 in a bloody raid, were at the top of the government's list. After showing a "mug shot" of each leader, with detailed descriptions, an announcer asked all Chinese citizens to turn in the "counterrevolutionaries." And early today national television announced the arrest of two of the leaders, Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student at Qinghua University in Beijing, and Xiong Yan, a 25-year-old law student, Reuter reported. Zhou was arrested in the central city of Xian and had been turned in by his sister and her husband. Xiong was seized on a train in northeast China. A report by the official Xinhua news agency said the Beijing Public Security Bureau had distributed a circular throughout the country, calling for the arrest of the leaders, accusing them of "inciting and organizing counterrevolutionary rebellion in Beijing." Long prison terms or death sentences are likely if they are captured, western diplomats said. The television slammed particularly hard at Wuer, who was shown eating at an unnamed "high-class restaurant in Beijing" in surveillance pictures the announcer said were taken on May 29. "From this we can clearly see the ugly face of the student union leaders," the announcer (c) 1989 Newsday, June 14, 1989 said. [In Shanghai, police detained an ABC News crew for more than two hours after it tried to film a family watching China's evening TV news, ABC correspondent Mark Litke told The Associated Press. He said five officers burst in on the U.S. network team without warning Monday night and seized the three-member crew and its government-assigned interpreter. "It was like a scene from a bad Gestapo movie," Litke said.] The intimidation on Chinese television followed an announcement of an important meeting of China's State Council in which Qiao Shi, the Politburo member in charge of public security, "transmitted" the words of Deng Xiaoping to the government body. Qiao's role as spokesman for China's most powerful leader appeared to be another indication of Qiao's high standing at a time of apparent instability in the Communist Party leadership. Communist Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang, a moderate who favored a conciliatory approach toward the student-led pro-democracy movement, has not appeared in public since meeting with students in Tiananmen Square on May 19. Qiao may replace him if Zhao has lost out in the party power struggle, as most analysts believe. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 14, 1989 Present at the State Council meeting was Hu Shen, the head of the Academy of Social Sciences, which has functioned as a think-tank for Zhao's economic and political reforms, and many of whose members openly supported the pro-democracy movement. Some other officials known in the past as moderates also appeared. Premier Li Peng followed Qiao's remarks with a survey of Chinese affairs featuring hard-line views that now are official policy. He pledged a continuation of his conservative approach to economic reform. Li said stabilizing prices and increasing grain production would be the focus this year - goals long associated with him and with Chen Yun, the octogenarian economic specialist believed to be his patron. There will be reduced investment in new enterprises, with a focus on infrastructure projects such as energy and transport. Li said "neglect" of "opinion-making" within the party Central Committee had caused grave problems in Chinese journalism. "Some journalists have left the way of the Party," he said, adding. "This is a longterm consequence of bourgeois liberalism." Bourgeois liberalism, in the jargon of the Chinese Communist Party, refers to a complex of ideas associated with western concepts of freedom of speech and thought, U.S.-style electoral politics, student activism, and what are viewed as the more decadent manifestations of capitalism. (c) 1989 Newsday, June 14, 1989 Li's remarks were further evidence that a full-fledged campaign against "bourgeois liberalism" is under way. Fang Lizhi, the dissident astrophysicist, is known here as a leading "bourgeois liberal." He and his wife are being sheltered in the U.S. Embassy, despite Chinese orders that they be arrested for "counterrevolutionary" activities. He said that a small group of countries was stirring up "anti-China" feeling but that "the Chinese people who have stood up will not yield to pressure and rumors." Li asked "foreign countries which are friendly to China to take a longterm view and to avoid doing anything to hurt the feelings of the Chinese people at this time." He said that China's "open-door policy will remain in place, and that China's basic orientation toward economic reform will continue. Politburo Member Yao Yilin followed Li's speech with remarks reported by the television news as saying that if China had not stopped the student movement, "we would have become a bourgeois republic." Immediately after Yao's words, the television switched to the call for the arrest of the student leaders. Using footage that appeared to have been taken from western broadcasts, Wuer - who was featured on western news broadcasts during the movement's weeks of (c) 1989 Newsday, June 14, 1989 international fame - was shown speaking through a megaphone in Tiananmen Square. "He spoke, urging students to go on a hunger strike," an announcer said. "But he went to a high-class restaurant in Beijing and ate and ate and ate." The television then showed surveillance pictures of the student and friends sitting at a round table in an unnamed restaurant. The announcer said the date of the meal was May 29. It was impossible to verify the authenticity of the pictures or the date. But by May 29 the hunger strike had been called off. On May 18, Wuer and six other student leaders were shown on nationwide television meeting with Li at the Great Hall of the People. According to an account that day by Xinhua, Wuer spoke critically of Li, who had told the students to stop fasting, to leave the square and to deal with other issues later. Wuer, Xinhua said, "asked the premier to focus on substantive issues because several thousand students are still starving on the concrete of Tiananmen Square." He also asked for repudiation of a critical April 26 People's Daily editorial and demanded that Li "apologize to the whole nation and affirm the significance of the current student movement." (**** THE FOLLOWING APPEARED IN C H EDITION: (c) 1989 Newsday, June 14, 1989 Li was visibly angry, and, while he "affirmed that the students have patriotic feelings and wishes," he warned, "The situation will not develop as you wish and expect . . . I hope you think it over that what the final consequences might be should the situation get worsening.") GRAPHIC: 1) AP Photo-Zhang Min was one of 21 students shown on Chinese TV yesterday. 2) Photo by Reuter-Pro-democracy student leader Wuer Kaixi, shown last month in Beijing (P 7 C). 3) AP Photo-Premier Li Peng, right, with politburo member Qiao Shi, addresses party officials (P 7 C) LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 58 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Reuters Reuters June 14, 1989, Wednesday, AM cycle LENGTH: 1060 words HEADLINE: MANHUNT NETS STUDENTS, WORKERS SOUGHT, U.S. NEWSMEN EXPELLED DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: Chinese authorities announced Wednesday the arrest of two of 21 fugitive students accused of heading the pro-democracy movement and highlighted the example of one young woman who turned in her brother. On a day that saw a significant tightening on dissent, state media said a nationwide manhunt was also being launched for three leaders of the banned Beijing Autonomous Workers' Union. After a week of mounting attacks on the United States and American news coverage of China's political crisis, Beijing announced it was expelling two U.S. reporters. Reuters, June 14, 1989 Alan Pessin of the government-funded Voice of America radio and John Pomfret of the Associated Press were given 72 hours to leave the country. Less than 24 hours after a massive media blitz announced the nationwide dragnet for the 21 student leaders wanted on charges of inciting and organizing a "counter-revolutionary rebellion," the first two arrests were announced. State television said Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student, was turned in by his sister and brother-in-law near the central city Xian Tuesday night while law student Xiong Yan, 25, was seized on a train in the northeast of China. "Just after the evening broadcast of the arrest warrants on television, Zhou's sister Zhou Wenrong and her husband working in the air force institute went and made a report to the local police after talking it over," the newsreader said. "Five policemen went to Sanqiao (near Xian) and arrested him. He admitted he was a student leader." No independent confirmation of the report was possible. Television showed pictures of Zhou, handcuffed, being taken for interrogation and separate Reuters, June 14, 1989 footage of his sister bouncing her baby on her knees as she spoke to two policemen, apparently in her living room. The 21 students sought in the manhunt are said by the authorities to be leading members of the Beijing Universities Autonomous Students Union, which helped organize pro-democracy demonstrations in Beijing and across China which were crushed by a military assault on June 3 and 4. The authorities, who once praised the students as "patriotic" and promised no reprisals, have since denounced them as "counter-revolutionaries"- a charge which can carry years in prison. As with the dragnet operation launched Tuesday to capture the alleged student protest leaders, government-controlled television launched the campaign against the illegal union leaders by showing pictures of the wanted men and broadcasting detailed physical descriptions. Accompanying the announcement was news that at least 15 other labor activists had been detained. In the first trial linked to the protests in Beijing, a Shanghai man went on trial accused of "hooliganism" for attacking a train. Reuters, June 14, 1989 The locomotive had just plowed through a group of demonstrators blocking the line to denounce the Beijing repression, in which hundreds, perhaps thousands of unarmed civilians were killed. Six of the demonstrators were killed and six injured. Early Wednesday, the last tanks and armored troop carriers left Beijing's Tiananmen Square, focus of the student protests, but heavily armed troops still guarded the area. In another security operation, television showed police raiding the campus of Lanzhou University, in northwest China, and hauling out a suspect. For some days last week demonstrators protesting at the Beijing bloodshed blocked all railway lines and roads into the city. Despite the stream of news describing the widening political crackdown and bitter attacks on the United States for sheltering top dissident Fang Lizhi in the Beijing embassy, authorities made parallel efforts to reassure foreigners that the country was safe for business and tourism. After making reassuring noises Tuesday, there were assurances Wednesday that Beijing airport was working normally. Reuters, June 14, 1989 State television showed Geology and Mineral Resources Minister Zhu Xun thanking six American advisers at his ministry who had stayed on despite the turmoil of the past three weeks. "Our government is stable," he told them. "Please, everyone relax." The New China News Agency carried a long article, written by the propaganda department of the Beijing City Communist Party, entitled "The Counter-revolutionary Rebellion In Beijing." Taking issue with foreign news reports of the June 3-4 army crackdown in the center of the capital, it concluded: "During the whole process of this clearing operation (persuading the remaining student protesters to leave Tiananmen Square), no one died. "This shows that rumors of 'rivers of blood' running in Tiananmen Square were completely unfounded." The draconian political crackdown of the past few days, since paramount leader Deng Xiaoping appeared on television Friday night flanked by military, party and state dignitaries, seemed to remove all doubt that the hardliners Reuters, June 14, 1989 were back in control. Further confirmation came Wednesday when the main Communist Party newspaper frontpaged a call to revive class struggle, a Marxist concept virtually abandoned here for the past decade. "Class struggle still exists to a certain extent, and a very small minority of reactionaries who hate the Communist Party and the communist system have never abandoned their political goals," said the article in People's Daily. It said these persons had "occupied important positions, had support from overseas reactionaries...tried to stir troubles..." Referring to the recent pro-democracy protests, the article said released criminals, political hooligans and other social criminals had engaged in smashing, stealing, burning and other criminal acts. "Behind them were people planning and plotting. We can't let them get away with it. "These people were trying to stir troubles, do away with Marxism-Leninism, plot anarchy. Their purpose was to use instability to divide the party and Reuters, June 14, 1989 overthrow the communist People's Republic," it added. "In face of their attack we have no choice, we cannot retreat. The only way is to fight back firmly...Honest people should stay on the alert, see clearly, and firmly struggle against a very small minority of reactionaries." Foreign China analysts said it was the first time in a decade that such harsh language had been used, adding it was further confirmation that the hardline communist ideologues were firmly in control of the levers of power. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 59 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Reuters Reuters June 14, 1989, Wednesday, PM cycle LENGTH: 768 words HEADLINE: CHINESE POLICE CAPTURE TWO FUGITIVE STUDENT LEADERS DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: Chinese police have captured two of 21 fugitive student union leaders wanted on charges of inciting and organizing a "counter-revolutionary rebellion," state television reported Wednesday. It said Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student, was turned in by his sister and brother-in-law near the central city of Xian Tuesday night and Xiong Yan, a 25-year-old law student, was seized on a train in northeast China. Police have launched a countrywide manhunt for the 21 students whose photographs and detailed descriptions were on shown on television, published Reuters, June 14, 1989 in newspapers and broadcast repeatedly on state radio. "Just after the evening broadcast of the arrest warrants on television, Zhou's sister Zhou Wenrong and her husband working in the airforce institute went and made a report to the local police after talking it over," the newsreader said. "Five policemen went to Sanqiao (near Xian) and arrested him. He admitted he was a student leader." No independent confirmation of the report was possible. State television showed pictures of Zhou being detained and separate footage of his relatives speaking to police. The 21 students are said by the authorities to be leading members of the Beijing Universities Autonomous Students Union that helped organize demonstrations in Beijing and across China until troops and tanks crushed their pro-democracy movement on June 4 with heavy loss of life. Once praised by the authorities as "patriotic" and promised there would be no reprisals, the students have since been denounced as "counter-revolutionaries" and face charges that can carry years in prison. Reuters, June 14, 1989 Hundreds of workers have already been arrested for taking part in demonstrations and riots across China. Early Wednesday, the last tanks and armored troop carriers left Beijing's Tiananmen Square but heavily armed troops still guarded the area, which had been the focus of student protests. Barbed wire that had surrounded Tiananmen, giving it the appearance of a prison camp, was also removed overnight. More than 100 tanks and scores of armored personnel carriers had already left the square in stages over the past week. Officially fewer than 300 civilians and troops died as armored convoys crashed through barricades on their way to Tiananmen but diplomats say the death toll could be several thousand. Pedestrians were still barred from the square and cyclists passing around its edges were forbidden to stop. Despite the reduced military presence, China's hardline leaders stepped up their ideological pressure by calling for a revival of class struggle, a Reuters, June 14, 1989 concept abandoned earlier in the 1980s and used in the Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s to persecute millions of people. "Class struggle still exists to a certain extent, and a very small minority of reactionaries who hate the communist party and the communist system have never abandoned their political goals," said the People's Daily, the main party organ. It said these people had "occupied important positions, had support from overseas reactionaries... (and) tried to stir troubles." In a clear reference to the Beijing democracy protests, now officially dubbed a "counter-revolutionary rebellion," the article said released criminals and political hooligans had engaged in stealing, burning and other criminal acts. "Behind them were people planning and plotting. We can't let them get away with it. A separate front-page editorial launched a fresh attack on the United States for harboring two wanted dissidents in its Beijing embassy but the hardline rhetoric did not deter crowds of Chinese applying for U.S. visas. Reuters, June 14, 1989 Police have issued arrest warrants for the couple and charged them with "counter-revolutionary crimes." U.S. authorities have refused to hand them over. President George Bush has also blocked further U.S. military sales to China and a White House spokesman has accused unnamed Chinese officials of murder. The editorial said Sino-U.S. relations had progressed well in recent years to the benefit of both sides, then added: "But we must not forget that there is always a small number of people in America who hate communism and will do anything to use their bourgeois ideology and bourgeois system to influence some Chinese with the aim of turning China into a bourgeois republic." Despite the rhetoric more than 200 people lined up outside the U.S. embassy under the watchful eyes of policemen and two armed soldiers, waiting to apply for visas. Washington has indicated that it will be sympathetic and flexible in considering visa applications amid the crackdown. Reuters, June 14, 1989 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 60 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Reuters The Reuter Library Report June 14, 1989, Wednesday, AM cycle LENGTH: 1075 words HEADLINE: MANHUNT NETS STUDENTS, WORKERS SOUGHT, U.S.NEWSMEN EXPELLED DATELINE: PEKING, June 14 BODY: Chinese authorities announced on Wednesday the arrest of two of 21 fugitive students accused of heading the pro-democracy movement and highlighted the example of one young woman who turned her brother in. On a day which saw a significant tightening of the screw on dissent, state media said a nationwide manhunt was also being launched for three leaders of the banned Peking Autonomous Workers' Union. After a week of mounting attacks on the United States and American news coverage of China's political crisis, Peking announced it was expelling two Reuters; June 14, 1989 U.S. reporters. Alan Pessin of the government-funded Voice of America radio and John Pomfret of the Associated Press news agency were given 72 hours to leave the country. Less than 24 hours after a massive media blitz announced the nationwide dragnet for the 21 student leaders wanted on charges of inciting and organising a "counter-revolutionary rebellion", the first two arrests were announced. State television said Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student, was turned in by his sister and brother-in-law near the central city Xian on Tuesday night while law student Xiong Yan, 25, was seized on a train in the northeast of China. "Just after the evening broadcast of the arrest warrants on television, Zhou's sister Zhou Wenrong and her husband working in the air force institute went and made a report to the local police after talking it over," the newsreader said. "Five policemen went to Sanqiao (near Xian) and arrested him. He admitted he was a student leader." Reuters; June 14, 1989 No independent confirmation of the report was possible. Television showed pictures of Zhou, handcuffed, being taken for interrogation and separate footage of his sister bouncing her baby on her knees as she spoke to two policemen, apparently in her living room. The 21 students sought in the manhunt are said by the authorities to be leading members of the Peking Universities Autonomous Students Union, which helped organise pro-democracy demonstrations in Peking and across China which were crushed by a military assault on June 3 and 4. The authorities, who once praised the students as "patriotic" and promised no reprisals, have since denounced them as "counter-revolutionaries" -- a charge which can carry years in prison. As with the dragnet operation launched on Tuesday to capture the alleged student protest leaders, government- controlled television launched the campaign against the illegal union leaders by showing pictures of the wanted men and broadcasting detailed physical descriptions. Accompanying the announcement was news that at least 15 other labour activists had been detained. Reuters; June 14, 1989 In the first trial linked to the protests in Peking, a Shanghai man went on trial accused of "hooliganism" for attacking a train. The locomotive had just ploughed through a group of demonstrators blocking the line to denounce the Peking repression, in which hundreds, perhaps thousands of unarmed civilians were killed. Six of the demonstrators were killed and six injured. Early on Wednesday, the last tanks and armoured troop carriers left Peking's Tiananmen Square, focus of the student protests, but heavily armed troops still guarded the area. In another security operation, television showed police raiding the campus of Lanzhou University, in northwest China, and hauling out a suspect. For some days last week demonstrators protesting at the Peking bloodshed blocked all railway lines and roads into the city. Despite the stream of news describing the widening political crackdown and bitter attacks on the United States for sheltering top dissident Fang Lizhi in Reuters; June 14, 1989 the Peking embassy, authorities made parallel efforts to reassure foreigners that the country was safe for business and tourism. After making reassuring noises on Tuesday, the charm offensive continued on Wednesday with assurances that Peking airport was working normally. State television showed Geology and Mineral Resources Minister Zhu Xun thanking six American advisers at his ministry who had stayed on despite the turmoil of the past three weeks. "Our government is stable," he told them. "Please, everyone relax." The New China News Agency carried a long article, written by the propaganda department of the Peking City Communist Party, entitled "The Counter-revolutionary Rebellion In Peking". Taking issue with foreign news reports of the June 3-4 army crackdown in the centre of the capital, it concluded: "During the whole process of this clearing operation (persuading the remaining student protesters to leave Tiananmen Square), no one died. Reuters; June 14, 1989 "This shows that rumours of 'rivers of blood' running in Tiananmen Square were completely unfounded." The draconian political crackdown of the past few days, since paramount leader Deng Xiaoping appeared on television on Friday night flanked by military, party and state dignitaries, seemed to remove all doubt that the hardliners were back in control. Further confirmation came on Wednesday when the main Communist Party newspaper frontpaged a call to revive class struggle, a Marxist concept virtually abandoned here for the past decade. "Class struggle still exists to a certain extent, and a very small minority of reactionaries who hate the Communist Party and the communist system have never abandoned their political goals," said the article in People's Daily. It said these persons had "occupied important positions, had support from overseas reactionaries...tried to stir troubles..." Reuters; June 14, 1989 Referring to the recent pro-democracy protests, the article said released criminals, political hooligans and other social criminals had engaged in smashing, stealing, burning and other criminal acts. "Behind them were people planning and plotting. We can't let them get away with it. "These people were trying to stir troubles, do away with Marxism-Leninism, plot anarchy. Their purpose was to use instability to divide the party and overthrow the communist People's Republic," it added. "In face of their attack we have no choice, we cannot retreat. The only way is to fight back firmly...Honest people should stay on the alert, see clearly, and firmly struggle against a very small minority of reactionaries." Foreign China analysts said it was the first time in a decade that such harsh language had been used, adding it was further confirmation that the hardline communist ideologues were firmly in control of the levers of power. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH Reuters; June 14, 1989 LOAD-DATE: 061489 LEVEL 1 - 61 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 Reuters The Reuter Library Report June 14, 1989, Wednesday, PM cycle LENGTH: 830 words HEADLINE: CHINESE POLICE CAPTURE TWO FUGITIVE STUDENT LEADERS DATELINE: PEKING, June 14 BODY: Chinese police have captured two out of 21 fugitive student union leaders wanted on charges of inciting and organising a "counter-revolutionary rebellion", state television reported on Wednesday. It said Zhou Fengsuo, a 22-year-old physics student, was turned in by his sister and brother-in-law near the central city of Xian on Tuesday night and Xiong Yan, a 25-year-old law student, was seized on a train in the northeast of China. Reuters; June 14, 1989 Police have launched a countrywide manhunt for the 21 students whose photographs and detailed descriptions were on shown on television, published in newspapers and broadcast repeatedly on state radio. "Just after the evening broadcast of the arrest warrants on television, Zhou's sister Zhou Wenrong and her husband working in the airforce institute went and made a report to the local police after talking it over," the newsreader said. "Five policemen went to Sanqiao (near Xian) and arrested him. He admitted he was a student leader." No independent confirmation of the report was possible. State television showed pictures of Zhou being detained and separate footage of his relatives speaking to police. The 21 students are said by the authorities to be leading members of the Peking Universities Autonomous Students Union which helped organise demonstrations in Peking and across China until troops and tanks crushed their pro-democracy movement on June 4 with heavy loss of life. Reuters; June 14, 1989 Once praised by the authorities as "patriotic" and promised there would be no reprisals, the students have since been denounced as "counter-revolutionaries" and face charges which can carry years in prison. Hundreds of workers have already been arrested for taking part in demonstrations and riots across China. Early on Wednesday, the last tanks and armoured troop carriers left Peking's Tiananmen Square but heavily armed troops still guarded the area which had been the focus of student protests. Barbed wire which had surrounded Tiananmen giving it the appearance of a prison camp had also been removed overnight. More than 100 tanks and scores of armoured personnel carriers had already left the square in stages over the past week. Officially less than 300 civilians and troops died as armoured convoys crashed through barricades on their way to Tiananmen but diplomats say the death toll could be several thousand. Reuters; June 14, 1989 Pedestrians were still barred from the square and cyclists passing around its edges were forbidden to stop. Despite the reduced military presence, China's hardline leaders stepped up their ideological pressure by calling for a revival of class struggle, a concept abandoned earlier in the 1980s and used in the Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s to persecute millions of people. "Class struggle still exists to a certain extent, and a very small minority of reactionaries who hate the communist party and the communist system have never abandoned their political goals," said the People's Daily, the main party organ. It said these people had "occupied important positions, had support from overseas reactionaries... (and) tried to stir troubles." In a clear reference to the Peking democracy protests, now officially dubbed a "counter-revolutionary rebellion", the article said released criminals and political hooligans had engaged in stealing, burning and other criminal acts. Reuters; June 14, 1989 "Behind them were people planning and plotting. We can't let them get away with it. A separate front-page editorial launched a fresh attack on the United States for harbouring two wanted dissidents in its Peking embassy but the hardline rhetoric did not deter crowds of Chinese applying for U.S. visas. "Interfering in China's internal politics is not allowed," read the headline. "This is a violation of China's sovereignty. It contravenes internationally recognised laws," the newspaper said in China's strongest condemnation of the embassy's decision to give refuge to Fang Lizhi and his wife Li Shuxian a day after the June 4 killings. Police have issued arrest warrants for the couple and charged them with "counter-revolutionary crimes". U.S. authorities have refused to hand them over. President George Bush has also blocked further U.S. military sales to China and a White House spokesman has accused unnamed Chinese officials of murder. Reuters; June 14, 1989 The editorial said Sino-U.S. relations had progressed well in recent years to the benefit of both sides, then added: "But we must not forget that there is always a small number of people in America who hate communism and will do anything to use their bourgeois ideology and bourgeois system to influence some Chinese with the aim of turning China into a bourgeois republic." Despite the rhetoric more than 200 people queued outside the U.S. embassy, under the watchful eyes of policemen and two armed soldiers, waiting to apply for visas. Washington has indicated that it will be sympathetic and flexible in considering visa applications amid the crackdown. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LOAD-DATE: 061489 LEVEL 1 - 62 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The San Diego Union-Tribune The San Diego Union-Tribune June 14, 1989, Wednesday SECTION: NEWS; Ed. 1,2,3,4; Pg. A-1 LENGTH: 747 words HEADLINE: 2 student leaders arrested in China; 2 reporters expelled SOURCE: AP BODY: Authorities today announced the d the arrest of two of 21 student leaders wanted for roles in the pro-democracy movement and ordered two Western reporters expelled for their reporting on the martial-law crackdown. John Pomfret of The Associated Press and Voice of America bureau chief Alan Pessin were given three days to leave the country. criticism of the United States and pressed on with a nationwide crackdown on dissent that has already netted more than 1,000 arrests. The San Diego Union-Tribune, June 14, 1989 Communist authorities have criticized VOA, whose short-wave broadcasts are an important source of information for Chinese, as spreading "distortions." They have also condemned Washington for sheltering Chinese dissident Fang Lizhi and his wife, Li Shuxian, at the U.S. Embassy. Authorities also announced today the arrest of 32 participants in pro-democracy protests, which ended June 3-4 with a military assault on Tiananmen Square in which hundreds of unarmed civilians were killed. The Communist Party newspaper, the People's Daily, warned the United States in a harsh front-page editorial today to "stop interfering in China's internal affairs and not do anything to harm bilateral relations." "Anyone who tries ... to put pressure on the Chinese government is not sensible and is shortsighted, and will gain no advantage in the end," the editorial said. Police said Pomfret, 30, violated martial-law regulations on reporting and had met with leaders of the independent student organizations that led seven weeks of protests for a freer China. The San Diego Union-Tribune, June 14, 1989 "Pomfret used his journalism credentials for illegal activities and used illegal methods to get state secrets," the Beijing television news charged. "He protected the leaders of student groups and exchanged information with them." Pessin, 33, said police accused him of engaging in reporting aimed at distorting facts, spreading rumors and instigating turmoil and "counterrevolutionary" rebellion. The official Xinhua News Agency today issued its first detailed account of the assault on Beijing, saying nearly 100 soldiers and police died and thousands were wounded. It said about 100 civilians were killed and nearly 1,000 injured. The figures were lower than those given last week by a government spokesman, who said nearly 300 people were killed, including many soldiers. Chinese witnesses and Western intelligence estimates say about 3,000 people were killed, most of them civilians. for a freer society. National television said one of 21 student leaders of the pro-democracy movement, Zhou Fengsuo, was arrested in the central city of Xian after being turned in by his sister and her husband, who works at an air force academy. The San Diego Union-Tribune, June 14, 1989 Pictures of Zhou, a 22-year-old physics student at Qinghua University in Beijing, and the other activists were flashed on television yesterday and today and appeared in today's newspapers with appeals for people to turn them in. The evening television news showed Zhou sitting in a police station being questioned. A later report said Xiong Yan, 24, a graduate student of law at Beijing University, also was arrested but gave no details. Television also reported that Fang Ke, a member of the independent student union that led the protests, surrendered to police in the central Chinese city of Wuhan. It identified Fang as a philosophy student at People's University in Beijing. Authorities have ordered all students and workers active in the crushed pro-democracy movement to turn themselves in. Among them were Wu'er Kaixi, a Beijing Normal University student who in a televised meeting in May told Premier Li Peng to "stop beating around the bush" because China faced a political crisis. The San Diego Union-Tribune, June 14, 1989 The government accused the 21 of "inciting and organizing counterrevolutionary rebellion in Beijing" during the movement for a dialogue with the government, free speech and an end to official corruption. Beijing Radio said 32 people, including workers, were arrested while trying to flee from the capital's railway station. Troops and police have set up checkpoints at the railway station and have been inspecting bags and identification papers. The People's Daily editorial continued to attack both Fang and the United States for sheltering him. "Some foreigners who are hostile to China praise them (Fang and Li) and make them out to be democracy fighters.' In so doing, they can't but dream of using Fang Lizhi and others to throw China into chaos," it said. LOAD-DATE: October 30, 1996 LEVEL 1 - 63 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 The San Diego Union-Tribune The San Diego Union-Tribune June 14, 1989, Wednesday SECTION: NEWS; Ed. 5; Pg. A-1 LENGTH: 568 words HEADLINE: China arrests two leaders of student protest SOURCE: AP BODY: Authorities today announced the arrest of two of 21 student leaders wanted for roles in the pro-democracy movement and ordered two Western reporters expelled for their reporting on the martial-law crackdown. Pomfret of The Associated Press and Voice of America bureau chief Alan Pessin were given three days to leave the country. In Washington, State Department spokeswoman Margaret Tutwiler said the Bush administration plans to file a protest with Chinese officials in Washington The San Diego Union-Tribune, June 14, 1989 this afternoon and in Beijing tomorrow, but said the administration has no plans to take any reciprocal action against Chinese journalists in the United States. The expulsion order came as authorities intensified criticism of the United States and pressed on with a nationwide crackdown on dissent that has already netted more than 1,000 arrests. Communist authorities have criticized VOA, whose short-wave broadcasts are an important source of information for Chinese, as spreading "distortions." They have also condemned Washington for sheltering Chinese dissident Fang Lizhi and his wife, Li Shuxian, at the U.S. Embassy. Authorities also announced today the arrest of 32 participants in pro-democracy protests, which ended June 3-4 with a military assault on Tiananmen Square in which hundreds of unarmed civilians were killed. The Communist Party newspaper, the People's Daily, warned the United States in a harsh front-page editorial today to "stop interfering in China's internal affairs and not do anything to harm bilateral relations." Police said Pomfret, 30, violated martial-law regulations on reporting and had met with leaders of the independent student organizations that led seven The San Diego Union-Tribune, June 14, 1989 weeks of protests for a freer China. "Pomfret used his journalism credentials for illegal activities and used illegal methods to get state secrets," the Beijing television news charged. "He protected the leaders of student groups and exchanged information with them." Pessin, 33, said police accused him of engaging in reporting aimed at distorting facts, spreading rumors and instigating turmoil and "counterrevolutionary" rebellion. The official Xinhua News Agency today issued its first detailed account of the assault on Beijing, saying nearly 100 soldiers and police died and thousands were wounded. It said about 100 civilians were killed and nearly 1,000 injured. many soldiers. Chinese witnesses and Western intelligence estimates say about 3,000 people were killed, most of them civilians. The government crackdown on dissent continued unabated, with national television announcing the arrest of two student leaders of the seven-week movement for a freer society. The San Diego Union-Tribune, June 14, 1989 National television said one of 21 student leaders of the pro-democracy movement, Zhou Fengsuo, was arrested in the central city of Xian after being turned in by his sister and her husband, who works at an air force academy. Pictures of Zhou, a 22-year-old physics student at Qinghua University in Beijing, and the other activists were flashed on television yesterday and today and appeared in today's newspapers with appeals for people to turn them in. A later report said Xiong Yan, 24, a graduate student of law at Beijing University, also was arrested but gave no details. Television also reported that Fang Ke, a member of the independent student union that led the protests, surrendered to police. LOAD-DATE: October 30, 1996 LEVEL 1 - 64 OF 69 STORIES Copyright 1989 U.P.I. June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle SECTION: International LENGTH: 1206 words HEADLINE: China expels two American journalists BYLINE: By DAVID R. SCHWEISBERG DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: China accused the United States of violating Chinese sovereignty by harboring a leading dissident and expelled two American journalists Wednesday in the harshest moves of an intensifying diplomatic row with Washington. The United States said it will formally protest the expulsions, but the State Department said there were no immediate plans to take similar action against Chinese reporters. United Press International June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle A nationwide hunt for pro-democracy activists netted at least 63 new arrests, state-run television said, while state radio early Thursday reported the first signs of continued armed resistance to the military crackdown in the capital. The radio said snipers fired two gunshots Tuesday from a building in the northwest university district, and vandals burned a bus in an area south of Tiananmen Square in the pre-dawn hours the same day. The arrests Wednesday boosted to more than 900 the number of people swept up since the army's brutal June 3-5 suppression of student-led protesters in Beijing. The television said the detainees included two men whose names were included in a most-wanted list of 21 student leaders of the democracy demonstrations, the largest outpouring of anti-government sentiment in nearly 40 years of communist rule. One of the pair was reportedly turned in by his sister. The arrests of Zhou Fengsuo, 22, a Qinghua University physics major, and Xiong Yan, 25, a Beijing University law student, were made within hours of the Tuesday night broadcast of the list, the television said Wednesday. The government had claimed 300 people, including 100 soldiers, died in the Chinese army's bloody crackdown June 3-5 on the protesters but on Wednesday, the official death toll was reduced to about 200. A Japanese official said a United Press International June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle Chinese Red Cross source put the death toll at 2,600. In a new move to unearth fugitive dissidents, the television issued a wanted notice for three leaders of an outlawed independent workers union, flashing their mug shots and short biographies across China and ordering border police to ensure they do not flee the country. Despite the terror generated in Beijing by the sweep and the grip of military rule, tiny sprouts of defiance blossomed. Black grafitti inscriptions on an overpass road read: ''Someone should take the lead and speak openly with the (Communist) party'' and ''What can we do? The government is unreasonable.'' Near central Tiananmen Square, a slogan written in English on the back of a traffic police box said, ''All these things must be answered for.'' The harboring by the U.S. Embassy of China's leading dissident, astrophysicist Fang Lizhi, and his wife, Li Shuxian, brought the toughest anti-American blast from China. United Press International June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle ''The American Embassy's offer of protection to Fang and Li is an invasion of Chinese sovereignty,'' said the People's Daily, official organ of the Communist Party. ''It is a violation of international law.'' The United States has refused to surrender Fang and Li, who are wanted on charges of ''counter-revolutionary'' crimes, which are tantamount to treason and punishable by death. The U.S. decision to harbor the pair fueled a diplomatic row with China first fired by President Bush's suspension of military sales contracts to protest the bloody suppression of the student-led democracy movement. Fang and his wife sought refuge in the U.S. Embassy after the government blamed them for an uprising by tens of thousands of Beijing residents against armor-backed troops who ruthlessly enforced martial law and ended a peaceful 22-day occupation of Tiananmen Square by pro-democracy protesters. The dispute with the United States was further heightened Wednesday when authorities summoned the Beijing bureau chief of the Voice of America and a Beijing-based correspondent for The Associated Press and ordered them to leave China within 72 hours. United Press International June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle VOA's Alan W. Pessin, 33, and the AP's John Pomfret, 30, were accused of violating rigid restrictions imposed on news coverage of pro-democracy demonstrations when martial law was declared May 20. Pomfret, of Brooklyn, N.Y., was accused of ''having frequent contacts with illegal organization leaders, passing on information to and providing shelter for them'' and ''obtaining state secrets through illegal means,'' said the official Xinhua News Agency. Pessin was charged with ''writing stories to distort facts, spread rumor and incite and stir up turmoil and counter-revolutionary rebellion.'' White House press secretary Marlin Fitzwater said the United States will file a formal protest with the Chinese government to protest the expulsions which Washington viewed with ''great concern.'' ''We believe ... the harassment of journalists trying to do their jobs and attempts to jam the Voice of America will not succeed in keeping the truth of what is going on in China from being heard around the world,'' Fitzwater said. Fitzwater refused to say what other moves were being considered, and at the State Department, officials said there was no plan to take similar action United Press International June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle against Chinese reporters in the United States. There are 25 Chinese reporters in Washington representing 10 news organizations and 13 others in New York representing four agencies. The Washington-based association, The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, also protested the expulsions in a telegram to the Beijing Foreign Affairs Office, saying the order ''is an attempt to censor, intimidate and harass foreign news media, violating the rights of your citizens and those of all democratic nationals to monitor critical events in your country.'' The government has mounted a vicious smear campaign in recent days against VOA, the U.S. government's global radio network, accusing it of distorting coverage of the unrest in China. Short-wave broadcasts by VOA and the British Broadcasting Corp. provide most Chinese with their sole source of uncensored news. Pessin and Pomfret were the first Beijing-based correspondents expelled since early 1987, when an American reporter for the French news agency Agence France Presse and a Japanese reporter for Kyodo News Service were kicked out for coverage of nationwide student protests. United Press International June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle The political tensions contrasted with efforts by the army to scale back its daytime presence on Beijing's streets. Nearly all the tanks and armored vehicles encamped in Tiananmen Square had been withdrawn by Wednesday. Truckloads of soldiers continued to prowl the city and armed troops remained on patrol, but secret police have taken over much of the arrest work. A few bored-looking soldiers carrying assault rifles were posted on street corners in embassy districts and several diplomats complained their cars had been searched. But embassies were guarded only by a routine contingent of paramilitary police. Hundreds of people stood outside the visa office of the U.S. Embassy on its first day open since June 2. Increasing numbers of Chinese are flooding the embassy with requests to flee the country. ''A lot of people are afraid of the government and want to go abroad,'' said a 32-year-old woman doctor who hoped to do research in the southern United States. ''Everyone has lost hope with the government. My motherland is unhappy.'' United Press International June 14, 1989, Wednesday, BC cycle LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 65 OF 69 STORIES The Xinhua General Overseas News Service The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The Xinhua News Agency. JUNE 13, 1989, TUESDAY LENGTH: 371 words HEADLINE: wanted circular issued for arrest of illegal student organization leaders DATELINE: beijing, june 13; ITEM NO: 0613138 BODY: the public security bureau of beijing has issued a wanted circular for the arrest of 21 leaders of the autonomous students union of beijing universities (asubu) here today. also today, the ministry of public security transmitted the circular throughout the country. the circular accused the asubu, an illegal student organization, of "inciting and organizing counter-revolutionary rebellion in beijing." the ministry of public security said in the circular The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JUNE 13, 1989 that once the wanted asubu members are detected, they should be detained by law enforcement organizations. the circular includes the names, sex, age, identities and physical features of the wanted. their photos are attached to the list. following is the list of the 21 asubu members wanted: wang dan, m., 24, history student of beijing university; wu'er kaixi, m., 21, of uygur nationality, education science student of beijing normal university; liu gang, m., 28, former physics graduate student of beijing university; chai ling, f., 23, psychology graduate student of beijing normal university; zhou fengsuo, m., 22, physics student of qinghua university; zhai weimin, m., 21, student of beijing institute of economics; liang qingtun, m., 20, psychology student of beijing normal university; wang zhengyun, m., 21, of kucong nationality, student of the central institute for nationalities; zheng xuguang, m., 20, student of beijing space and aeronautics university; ma shaofang, m., 25, student of beijing film academy; yang tao, m., 19, history student of beijing university; wang zhixin, m., 22, student of china university of political science and law; feng congde, m., 22, m.a. candidate of the institute of remote sensing of beijing university; wang chaohua, f., 37, graduate student of the chinese academy of social sciences; wang youcai, m., 23, physics graduate student of beijing university; zhang zhiqing, m., 25, student of china university of political science and law; zhang boli, m., 26, student of beijing university; li lu, m., 20, student of nanjing university; zhang ming, m., 24, automobile engineering student of qinghua university; xiong wei, m., 23, student of The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JUNE 13, 1989 qinghua university; xiong yan, m., 25, law student of beijing university. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 66 OF 69 STORIES The Xinhua General Overseas News Service The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The Xinhua News Agency. SEPTEMBER 27, 1985, FRIDAY LENGTH: 268 words HEADLINE: youngest gold medalist at asian track and field meet DATELINE: jakarta, september 27; ITEM NO: 092732 BODY: jin bingjie from northeast china won the ninth gold medal for her country when she walked home [TEXT OMITTED FROM SOURCE] in the women's 10 kilometer walk in the madya stadium here this morning. born in april 1971, jin bingjie became the youngest gold medalist among the 500 participating athletes at the current asian track and field meet but the time was far short of her personal best of 45.59.00. The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, SEPTEMBER 27, 1985 "i am very tired after the walk, and i must have some rest," the shy, 14-year-old replied when she, accompanied by his coach, was asked in the doping room. jin bingjie comes from a worker's family in fuxin, a coal mining city in liaoning province. both her parents work in a starch factory. she started walking in november 1983, and finished second at the national juniors' walking competition this year. she was picked for the national team last july to prepare for the asian meet. "i like swimming. i used to swim for hours after the daily training program is finished," jin bingjie said. liaoning province has been famous for its great women walkers. yan hong, holder of the world record of 45:39.50 in the 10 kilometers, and xu yongjiu, the world no. 2 in the women's 10 kilometer walk are both born in jinxian country, liaoning province. xiong yan of china came second in the 10 kilometer walk with a time of 51:04.66 and iece magdalena of indonesia was third with a time of 53:55.46. The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, SEPTEMBER 27, 1985 only five competitors entered in this event, but margareni of indonesia was disqualified. the other walker, hasiati, also of indonesia finished fourth and the last with a time of 55:22.77. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 67 OF 69 STORIES The Xinhua General Overseas News Service The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The Xinhua News Agency. SEPTEMBER 27, 1985, FRIDAY LENGTH: 267 words HEADLINE: asian athletics meet results (third day) DATELINE: jakarta, september 27; ITEM NO: 092774 BODY: following are the results of today's competition at the sixth asian track and field meet: women's longjump: 1. huang donghuo, china, 6.60 2. liao wengen, china, 6.57 3. kim mi sook, south korea, 6.25 4. lin yueh hsiang, chinese taibei, 5.97 5. fan su yu, chinese taibei, 5.77 The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, SEPTEMBER 27, 1985 6. ira soselisa, indonesia, 5.74 7. dellime peterson, sri lanka, 5.49 8. china yassine, lebanon, 4.56 women's 10-kilometer walk: 1. jin bingjie, china, 50:53.81 2. xiong yan, china, 51:04.66 3. iece magdelena, indonesia, 53:55.46 4. hasiati, indonesia, 55:22.77 men's 400-meter hurdles: 1. ahmad hamada, bahrain, 49.88 2. jasin aldowaila, kuwait, 50.81 3. hiroshi kakimuri, japan, 50.85 4. wu chin tzung, chinese taibei, 51.88 5. lin chew ching, chinese taibei, 52.25 6. hwang hong chui, south korea, 52.83 7. kholid hassan, bahrain, 52.83 women's 400-meter hurdles: 1. p.t usha, india, 56.64 2. m.d. valasama, india, 57.81 The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, SEPTEMBER 27, 1985 3. agripina dela cruz, philippines, 59.59 4. joko soto, japan, 60.07 5. martha lekransy, indonesia, 61.02 6. jeng fei fuo, chinese taibei, 64.07 women's javelin: 1. zhu hongyang, china, 56.84 2. wang jing, china, 53.44 3. emi matsui, japan, 53.28 4. lee hui chen, chinese taibei, 50.04 5. erlinda lavandia, philippines, 45.74 6. razia sheikh, india, 45.40 7. pauline makdessi, lebanon, 41.76 8. tati ratnaningsih, indonesia, 41.48 women's heptathlon: 1. ye lianying, china, 5,319 points 2. dong yuping, china, 5.198 3. tung fung au, chinese taipei 5,117 4. nene gamo, philippines, 4,663 5. reet abraham, india, 4,619 6. jublina mangi, indonesia, 4,228 The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, SEPTEMBER 27, 1985 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 68 OF 69 STORIES The Xinhua General Overseas News Service The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The Xinhua News Agency. SEPTEMBER 27, 1985, FRIDAY LENGTH: 612 words HEADLINE: china keeps lead at asian athletic meet DATELINE: jakarta, september 27; ITEM NO: 927101 BODY: china added four more golds to its medal tally at the sixth asian track and field meet here today but p.t. usha of india became the first double gold winner. another asian record was shattered in the men's 200 meters by jang jae keun of south korea when he won the first heat of the semi-finals in a surprising time of 20.41. The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, SEPTEMBER 27, 1985 the new chinese gold medals, which brought the total to 12 all came in the women's events -- 10kilometer walk, long jump, javelin throw, and heptathlon. zhu jianhua, former high-jump world record holder, withdrew from competition in the last minute because of a high temperature which has confined him to the village since his arrival. jin bingjie, a 14-year-old school girl from northeast china, turned out to be the youngest gold medal winner when she walked to the finish line in a time of 50:53.81 in the women's 10-kilometer walk this morning. she was followed by xiong yan of china for the silver medal in 51:04.66. iece magdalena of indonesia came third by clocking 53:55.46. jang jae keun's new mark was regarded as a marvellous achievement for asia as he trimmed 0.32 seconds off the previous record of 20.73 which he set last may. the listed asian record of 20.81 was held by japan's tohsio toyoda for three years. p.t. usha proved herself to be the fastest woman in asia again when she won the women's 400-meter hurdles finals in a convincing time of 56.64. her first victory was scored in the 100 meters yesterday. she also delighted the crowd by winning the first heat of the women's 200meter semi-finals one hour later in

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